ISSUE 246 L INSIDE THIS ISSUE H Protecting the Nursery from the CHB By RORY O'DRISCOLL "Every revolution evaporates leaving the slime of a new bureaucracy," said Che Guevara. Fittingly enough, the Fabian gradualist revolutionaries who set up the LSE have gradually evaporated, and the slime has slowly settled to form the Connaught House Bureaucracy (the C.H.B.), which is dealing so ineptly with the nursery today. The only question left to the C.H.B. is to ask them whether they see what the results of their actions will be and won't admit it, or whether they fail to understand themselves what they have done. In short, are we dealing with liars or buffoons? Briefly, the School and the Union jointly fund a nursery which provides 24 places for pre-school children. It had an income-graded fee system so that the fees were directly related to the income of the student or employee. This made the nursery available equally-or as equally as possible- to all parents regardless of income. Last financial year, the • nursery once again ran a deficit, and this deficit was the problem which confronted the C.H.B. at the start of the sum- mer. In dealing with it, they made three crucial assumptions which led to the changes with which we are now faced. The first was that the deficit should be eliminated immediately; the second was that the fee banding system was causing the deficit; the final assumption was that changing the banded system to a flat one would eliminate this deficit. I am not convinced that any of the above assumptions are correct. First, is it fair to expect the deficit to be eliminated immediately, despite the anguish and upset it would cause and the immense social cost? If the short term cost of keeping 24 toddlers in a nursery creates a deficit of £16,000 p.a.; the cost of keeping one of the C.H.B. in office is approximately the same. Quite frankly, I would take the toddlers any day. Second, no adequate case has been made to show that it was the banded system itself which led to the deficit. At the last Nursery Sub-Committee Meeting, no one, including the administration, advocated a flat fee system; indeed the paper arising from that meeting advocated a banded system which would "meet the requirement that the nursery breaks even". This was a paper presented by the C.H.B. itself It is when we get to third assumption that the plot thickens. In the short run, the switch to a flat rate system has not eliminated the deficit because students, forced into financial problems by the changes, have applied to the School's Hardship Fund. They have been helped and are reasonably content. Peace has been bought, very little money has been saved, so why did the C.H.B. bother? They bothered because in the long term, students will not be helped by the School; in the long term, students will not come to the LSE when they see the nursery fees; in the long term, the School will give no assurances of help to students before they are here. Thus, following the School's policy of "do not apply unless your finances are secure", no one with children will apply. In the long term, the school will fill- the nursery with 24 parents who SEE PAGE 2 The Nursery^ The Schoors View By R.A. PINKER PRO-DIRECTOR The first thing to be*clear about Js that there is-nd" threat .to the nursery as long as the service it proWdes is in demand by student parents and provided that significant progress can be made in achieving an improvement in the nursery's' financial -position. Tlie Second thing to note is that parents who approached the •Scholarships Office following the introduction of a flate rate • nursery fee from 2 October 1986, have all received financial help to enable them to keep their ' children in the School's nursery. The School is particularly mindful of students who registered last year and who have registered this year. These students will have come to the School in the expectation of lower nursery. fees and.this will be fully taken into account in considering their "circumstances for the time that ¦they reirvain at the School. New student parents have the opportunity" to apply for assistance through the Scholarships Office. It is clear from these arrange-meiTts that the School is not closing doors in the faces of parents. University nurseries are run accorrding to very rigid regulation. The financial arrangements which are permitted by the University Grants Committee, . which funds UK universities are also strict: institutions are permitted only to fund" "landlord-s'repairs and maintenance" from public money. Nurseries themselves are required to carry those charges directly attributable to their use including staff salaries, heat, light, power,- rates and other running costs. Apart from fee income, the only other permitted sources of support must be drawn from non public funds, br the proceeds of charitable enterprises. It would be difficult to underestimate the financial difficulties which beset the nursery. This has been a long-standing problem. In 1984/85 there was an £8,000 deficit. The School agreed that this deficit could be capitalised on the loan which it had made from non UGC funds to establish the nursery, provided that there was an improvement in the recurrent financial position of the nursery. But last year, 1985/86, income to the nursery from fees and meals was £32,250, while Expenditure totalled £77,000. The School contributed £22,000 from its very limited non public funds and the Students' Union £5,600 as a basic subsidy. However, this left a" net deficit of more, than £17,000. In addition, the nursery has an outstanding accumulated loan debt of £32,600 which under UGC rules must eventually be discharged. In terms of the rate per child, each place cost £3,200 to provide but produced only £1,344 in fee income, a shortfall of £1,856 for the year. The School could not ignore the deteriorating position and the Director agreed in July to the introduction of a flat rate nursery fee to be effective from 2 October 1986. The former banded fee system linked to parents' income had failed to realize the fee income it had been designed to produce and had probably depressed overall occupancy. The two other University nurseries in London with baby units charge a flat rate nursery fee comparable to the weekly £42.50 School fee. (The rate in commercially run nurseries is about £60 per week.) The introduction of the flat rate fee SEE PAGE 2 Dilemmas for the Left: Page 5 At The Union: Page 3 Interview with Willy Brandt: Page 4 Sports Reviews: Page 8 The Cafe Offers a Wealth of Goods (Finally) By GILLIAN BAXENDALE From today, balancing trays in the Brunchbowl and queuing down the corridor in the Pizza-burger are not your only choices. At midday, "Florries" will reopen, refitted, refurbished and renamed "The Cafe". The name may lack imagination, but Shirlee, the new manageress, has plenty of ideas. "People keep waling past and maoning that the place looks different but that the food will taste the same. I think they're in for a pleasant surprise." So what are the changes, apart from a new name and a coat of paint? For a start, all the food will be vegetarian, using no animal products. This is not just for health freaks, but also for Jewish and Muslim students, whose dietary restrictions make eating in the main restaurants a problem. As well as this, everything will be made on the premises, using fresh ingredients and a wide range of recipes. Shirlee is determined to prove that vegetarian food need not be dull. "The Cafe" will start serving breakfast at 9;45 - eggs and alfalfa rolls, vegetable pates, croissants and pastries. At lun-chtime; there will be three or more main dishes such as stuffed peppers, bean casseroles, tirianis, lentil lasagnes...with dozens of variation no one should get bored, but just in case, there will be a salad bar, quiches and baked potatoes. If you still are not convinced, how about an Italian coffee machine which can brew a cup . of capuccino, espresso or hot chocolate every twenty seconds? Coffee, tea and herbal teas will be served all day (in real china cups if you have had enough of vending machines). Cakes -baked on the premises - will be ready for afternoon tea. How "The Cafe" develops will depend on demand - soup and veggie burgers all day, a takeaway facility, perhaps a supper service. Ahd as for the prices? Acording to Shirlee, these may be a little higher than those in the Brunchbowl. "You have to pay for the best ingredients, and we do need to make a profit! But main dishes starting at £1.20 are still good value." • The pastel decor and the hanging plants should provide a pleasant retreat from the scruffy school building, at least until a generation of students have carved their name on th stained wood tables and spilt their Italian coffee on the new ' carpets. But if you want to keep prices low, the management beg you not to walk off with the cutlery and china, however underfurnished your lodgings -may be! . ' Shirlee, the manageress of The Cafe Shirlee's enthusiasm for health food began when she worked in a Holborn delicatessan. Since then, she has run her own wholefood bekery in Cheltenham, but, despite its success, she missed the excitement of living in London. For the last couple of years, she has managed the Designs Centre's restaurant, turning its fortunes around from a loss to a profit. Her plans for "The Cafe" include this same aim as well as improving the working atmosphere. As Shirlee herself says, "if the staff are happy, everyone gets better service". After this summer's major redesigning and replacement of old fixtures and fittings, FLORRIES COFFEE BAR will emerge from its wrappings on October 13th as THE CAFE. The LSE Students Union have gone to great lengths and horrendous expense to create a cafe where you will be welcomed, well fed and watered — guaranteed additive free! THE CAFE is situated on the quadrangle and will open 9.45 -4.30, so come and enjo^/ these excellent facilities, instead of dashing down the Kingswaj/ for an overpriced sandwich and drink. ¦ Beaver Collective Meetings Monday SPM E204 PAGE 2 THE BEAVER, MONDAY. OCTOBER 13, 1986 News Student Housing Shortage By RICHARD SNELL and JJ JONES One of the most important factors governing the degree to which you enjoy your time at the LSE is where and how you live when the Tuns or library are closed. Good or bad accomodation can, for some, mean a good or bad degree, and at worst, unsuccessful flat-hunting can see some pack their bags and go home, often on a one way ticket. Encouraging signs, though, are coming from the School Administration, the obvious need for more and better accomodation has been identified in the offices of Connaught House, and steps in the right direction are being made. Towards the end of last year came the decision by the School to build a new hall of residence at Bulter's Wharf. Sadly however, the summer has been a breakdown in communications between architects and builders and failure to check relevant planning regulations at an earlier date has meant that the plan for the proposed building would not fit on the site available. We must now hope the School sticks to its committmant, sorts out these difficulties and does not shelve the idea. Such plans, though welcome, are long term, and so of more immediate value to LSE students has been the provision of funds over the summer from the School that allowed a third person to be employed in the Welfare Office, and importantly the employing of "casuals" to help find accomodation for students before term started. Such help is very welcome, and must be continued. The Administration has also given a boost to students seeking homes, by launching its own "Company Let" scheme. Much of the accomodation offered to the S.U. Accomodation Office are company lets; and now that the School is providing the necessary backing, many students have benefited from this scheme. Finally for those unfortunate enough to arrive homeless and unable to afford hotel take time but everyone does find somewhere to live. Advice from the Accomodation Office is firstly, don't expect too much from accomodation in London, £30/week will not buy a bachelor pad in Chelsea. High expectations seem particularly a problem with overseas students. Secondly, be prepared to look at bills, the gym in the basement of the Old Building has been used as a "hostel" during the night. Thankfully, only two or three students per night have found it necessary to crash in the gym. It may not be The Ritz but its better than a bench in Hyde Park. Clearly, all this is heartening to see; but the School must continue to help students and the Students' Union find more and better accomodation. Talking to the Accomodation Office reveals that flats and rooms are abailable, but whether they are affordable is a different matter. Cuts in real terms in the grant and removal of Housing Benefits are forcing students to look for poorer quality housing, in less desirable areas. What is more alarming, is the possibility that over the Christmas and Easter holidays students may be forced to let flats as vacation rents become impossible to pay. Yet despite this situation, students should not despair; it may areas given a bad press in the past. South London is just as good/safe as anywhere else-bad tube links are generally compensated by better overland rail and bus links. Accomodation prospects for first years have improved since last year; all who applied to Passfield and Carr-Saunders were offered places, all be it, rushed towards the start of October. Accomodation for post graduates (in halls) and students with children is however a different story, and does need serious consideration and help. It is heartening to see the School helping students and the Students Union to alleviate the accomodation problems faced by many. Improvements have been made, but they must continue to receive funding on a longer term basis if these improvements are to be consolidated and pushed further. Sadly, the greatest restraint still appears to be central government's miserly attitude to the plight of students. The Difficulties of Being Disabled Society Seeks to Enlighten the Able-bodied by HANS NIJENHUIS Disabled students are still facing more problems at LSE than just their disability, but this could soon be changed. At last week's Intro Fair, the Society for the Enlightenment of the Able-bodied (S.E.A.) could be seen. The society comprises both disabled and able-bodied LSE students and staff. Its existence was explained to BEAVER by chairman Bashir Koray. Beside allowing disabled students to meet each other, the S.E.A. aims primarily at improving communications between students with disabilities and the rest of. the school. Bashir says, many of the difficulties faced by disabled students seem to originate from ignorance and prejudice by the able-bodied population. Apart from being knocked down in the corridor by bustling fellow-students, the disabled person is sometimes perceived, as being also mentally disabled. It is the others that are asked if he drinks his tea with milk and sugar. As Bashir says, "To be disabled seems to obscure the potential of the individual in the minds of most people." Bringing disabled and able-bodied students together in a society seems to be at least part of the solution. The S.E.A. also strives for the improvement of the practical wording and living conditions at the School. This has for example resulted in the brailling of LSE lifts. You might have noticed the plastic tabs. These have been installed by the S.E.A., who are still waiting for the metal ones promised by the school. The latter seem to be very necessary, because some of the plastic tabs are already being pulled off, probably by students who do not have to use them. Is LSE an endurable place to study for a disabled person? Bashir says that it isn't, although it is already much more access-able than it was a few years ago. But for example the lifts in the Clare Market building cannot be used by students with disabilities. You may have noticed that the use. of those lifts requires a lot of practice anyway. There are a few special study rooms for blind students in the library, but even people with normal vision need at least ten minutes to find them,and more are sometimes required. Things are improving, however. The school's advisor to disabled students, Sally Sains-bury, ran a questionnaire survey to incoming disabled students, to get to know their special problems and wishes. Recently a tape-library was set up by the Student's Union Welfare Office and Library. (Readers for Blind Students are still urgently needed. Please contact room E 299). Under pressure of the NUS and the National Bureau for Handicapped Students, with which the S.E.A. keeps contact, the School's administration is working out a policy statement of intent on the issue of disability. A draft included the intention that "...to"take all practible steps to ensure for disabled students safe access and working conditions on the premises if the school, and full participation in all aspects of School life." So there is still a lot of work to do. The S.E.A.'a next meeting is 5th November. Do attend. A Proper Equal Opportunities Policy? By ANTHEA BURTON The L.S.E.S.U. is supposed to have positive commitment to ensuring that no person should be disadvantaged either in seeking employment or for any reason during the course of their employment, on the grounds of age, race, nationality, gender, disability, religion, marital status, or sexual orientation. However, the vaguaries inherent in Student Union policy have led to procedural defects. These, coupled with misunderstandings over the nature of the policy have meant that this policy has not been properly implemented. (And that is letting the S.U. off lightly!) In an attempt to go some way to rectifying its inadequate employment practices, the S.U. has produced a properly drafted equal opportunities policy. About time, too! It will be the responsibility of the equal opportunities officer on the exec to ensure that this policy is properly implemented and to monitor its success. In order that the person holding this position is fully able to do this, she/he will occupy a place on the Administrative sub-committee, the body which carries out the employment decisions of the union. At last Wednesday's executive meeting, it was disturbing to find that the Liberal/Tory contingent was opposed to this measure. They were willing to support the post of equal opportunities officer (fine), most of the policy (all well & good), but they opposed the notion that the equal opportunity officer should be on the A.S.C. It does seem to point towards the fact that they don't want an equal opportunity policy at all. If there is no one to carry the can for implementing the policy for monitoring its effect on employment practices, surely it is not worth the paper it is written on? Fortunately, the executive managed to make a wise decision and the equal opportunities officer will now be on the A.S.C. Having an equal opportunities policy officer is actually written down on paper, rather than being dependent on the discretion of our esteemed Sabbaticals and this is definitely a step forward. However, such a policy without a committment to positive action in the employment of people from disadvantaged and oppressed groups is ineffective. Let's hope the Student Union considers this as the next step. Copies of the original draft of the new equal opportunities policy are available from the General Secretary's office, E298 NURSER Y ARRANGEMENTS FROM PAGE 1 can afford to pay £42.50 p.w. per child. In the long term, it will be game, set, match to the school. If we let them! So, of course, we can't. The S.U. have produced a series of demands which we feel are vital if the nursery is to continue to be a relevant service to the student parent. 1. No further reduction in staff numbers, with a written assurance to those members of staff left that this will be the case. 2. An agreement on the criteria- by which lA$).38 = A$).38 = [hardship need is assessed. This would be sent to parents, prior to their coming to the LSE so that they could realistically assess their financial ability to attend the LSE. 3. A change in the present system of decision-making in the nursery. Neither the S.U., which foots 20% of the bill,vnor the Nursery Sub-Committpe has any say; we are all "advisors to the Director", who makes and has made a decision which no one has even discussed, much less agreed to. 4. A commitment to expand the nursery and to "sell" it to students and staff so that as many parents as possible can escape the debilitating problem of child vs. career. No human being should penalised for creating and caring for other humans. These are our demands, which we have presented to'the School. .They represent an acceptance by us of the School's problem, indeed of its solution, "the flat fee" which will hopefully make their accounts easier to manage! But what we do not accept is that the price of peace is the long term elimination of nursery provisions for all, regardless of income. We do not accept it and are prepared to fight it. BEAVER TEAM Executive Editor Paul Kleb-nikov News Editor Kate Meyrick Features Editors Nic Cicutti, Paul Wood Societies Editor Chas Begley Arts Editor Kfir Yefe't STAFF; Kate Barnes, Dave Bridges, Sarah Bronzite, Dan Duncan, Stavros Makris, Nick Moreno, James Reeves, Paul Wood. Arts Feature Editor Fiona Chester Sports Editors Rob Levine, Nick Moreno Photography Editor Mark Moore Layout Nico Macdonald Special Thanks to Jared, Sasu, Loren, Jane, "Nico, Amy, and Paul for the typing. THE BEAVER, MONDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1986 PAGE 3 College Scene L.S.E.HotBed Or Rose Bed? At The Union Jonathan Pulsman Once more into the valley of death rode... the two candidates for Chairperson. Yet the Bexo-nite horse was drugged with advantage - leaflets in the Tuns for two days beforehand? The man's lust for power supercedes his prior lust for flesh. Once enthroned, those who voted for him (through no fault of their own) looked doubtful as his eyes filled with venom and his mouth promised Justice as unbiased as the days of Hayes or even the far off days of Bull. Yet in fairness our chairman made no promises of equality or ideal justice. His platform was one of realism and it will be enthralling to watch the definition of this word grow and grow as the term proceeds! The formalities of election being finished Babs Band took the microphone for her first time in office and promised with a certain naive optimism that the next gig will be ten times as good as the last one. R.I.P. HARVEY & THE WALL-BANGERS. Moving on to our stout General Secretary, Peter Wil-cock, self confessed 'acceptable face of the Labour Club' showed true signs of state-manship (except for his voting for a motion condemning his own autocratic behaviour). His remark concerning AIESEC: "I welcome any debate on the issue" will strike fear into the less democratic fringes of his very own party. And it will surely be these very same people who will grow to mistrust the acceptable face's performance qualities. And finally our Senior Treasurer grasped his predictable position on Student Loans (woe betide the blinkered Liberal voter of last March). "I am in favour of loans because I believe they could work" seems fair, if somewhat simplistic for such a master of the blarney. Could it be that he did not want to widen the debate in front of his new flock? Having dealt with our Sabbaticals, a resume of other events begs. AIESEC, surprisingly given two bites of the cherry, succeeded only in biting off their own thumb, as two middle-aged teenagers snarled the principle of 'I'm alright Jack' to a justly disgusted audience. And, reader, "mark well" Hazel Smith ("brothers and sisters") could this surcharged Lambeth Councillor be a Labour candidate for postgraduate officer? In between AIESEC wrang-lings, the union heard of the School's cowardly assault on the Nursery's finances, and unanimously registered their disgust and desire to fight back. In the election for the Constitution Committee Alan Evans' consistent rejection by the masses reminded us that terms had really started. Surely he and Malcolm Lowe could decide in private who is more commonly reviled rather than having to thrash it out in public. JJ^sHall Report Term is now well underway and so here's the first installment of a light-hearted look at life in the good old LS of E. A survey of third years reflects that naturally things were better in their day don't you know!! Freshers seem unusually quiet even boring (especially in Passfield-c'mon chaps/chapesses get your acts together.) However on a more positive note, freshwoman are a vast improvement. (And yess I know that's sexist). Last week, I donned sunglasses and ventured into the all-new fourth floor service area. A vast improvement, all we have to do is keep those bloody hacks out of there. Anyone seeing Malcolm Lowe or David Marr there has full permission to shoot them. As yet, Florries (stuff all that "Cafe" twaddle) is an unknown commodity. It looks good (and for the cost it should). One tip -any figure Tory O'Liberal tells you should be doubled at least. And finally "where's the beef, I'm all for carrot-crunchers, but meat pies are what made Britain great. Did our lads retake the Falklands on nut-burgers? Does Woolings ever smile? On the political front... all three parties should now seek a Tequila alliance for any hope of electoral success. All three sab-bacticals want out and have done for sometime, they're only hanging on for the redundancy. Beadlemania goes on. Ron is now the acceptable face of the Labour Club, and in truth their only hope of having a sabbac-tical next year. Sorry Anthea. Catherine Bruce is also showing the softer face of the Women's Group (a good sign for all sexes.) Most comical event of Freshers Week was "oldest swinger in Town" Bob Page, aged 57, drunk at Passfield. Photographs can be bought in the union shop. And talking of Passfield... will the occupant of T18 please move his bed to the centre of the room, that way your horisontal jogging won't chip plaster off the wall!! Equally ridiculous was news that Elwyn Watkins and Simon Bexon defeated Harvard in a debate. One can only deduce that going to Harvard is akin to going to be educated at Grange Hill or worse, Kings College"!! POST SCRIPT. On behalf of myself, the A.U. and his friends, may we send our deepest sympathies to the family of Rob Bull. CONTRIBUTE TO THE BEAVER By IQBAL WAHHAB It was Bertrand Russel who said, 'I am firm, you are stubborn, and he is a pig-headed fool'. Twenty years later the New Statesman ran a competition to find modern day equivalents to 'firm', 'stubborn' and 'pigheaded fool'. One of the winning entries was, '1 am Oxford, you are Cambridge, and he is the London School of Economics', the implication being not so much to establish a once-and-for-all pecking order of the universities but rather to show that the differences between them are essentially differences of style. Believe it or not, most people choose to come to this den of arrogance and aggression. Being a university concerned solely with the social sciences makes for a strongly political atmosphere; be unpolitical and you will have little joy at L.S.E. Dammit, even the choice of where to eat or drink in college is a political decision. There is a bar for the Tories and a bar for the 'Trots', while the Liberals eat their banana-flavoured yoghurts in the School canteen. Nobody bats an eyelid, therefore, when freshers are told that at L.S.E., food is political; an interesting variation to the feminist dictum that the personal is political. Despite its reputation, the L.S.E. isn't just a 'lefty' institution, concerned with the training of international terrorists to export revolution. One American rips the yarn that when he told his father that he was going to study at the L.S.E., his father erupted, "You can't go to the L.S.E. - Karl Marx went there!" Despite the fact that three of the past five union sabbaticals have been Liberal or independent, the Left remains the most organised political force - an instantly appreciable fact if the union meetings are witnessed, and witnessed they must be. 600-plus turn up every Thursday for what is, for most, the high point of the week. Shouting, screaming, crying, fighting - it all happens there. In terms of academia, the courses are less regimented than elsewhere-none of this compulsory two-essays-a-week non- by GREG LANE As an American student here at LSE, I felt an obligation to write and warn my compatriots about taking Matt Price's cautious suggestions on how we luckless Americans can best achieve chic-dom in Britain. 1. Matt's fashion advice - "Go native in dress" - has worked wonders for many Britons as well as Americans. After reading his article 1 decided to toss out my unsophisticated, American garb in favor of the hipper "London look" - something akin to GQ's Ash can casual wear. Unfortunately, the salesman at the sporting goods store didn't tell me that West Ham Utd. shirts don't wear well on the streets of Liverpool. 1 guess popular dress in Britain is determined by region. I must admit, however, that 1 was somewhat sceptical about buying used clothes from the sense. The school prefers to take students with experience of the 'outside world'. Those who come fresh from A-levels think that they are on holiday for three years, after which time they bomb out with a third. Standards are exacting and marking is harsh. There is a story currently doing the rounds that the last person to get a first in Monetary Economics was Lip-sey! Big names to watch out for in the academic staff include Fred Halliday in the International Relations department and Patrick Dunleavy in the Government department (he's my tutor; a mention keeps him happy-you know the sort of thing). L.S.E. may be set in a maze of concrete but it is far from dull. Oxbridge snobbery is laughed at and everyone seems to remember the sketch in 'Yes Minister' where Hacker's permanent secretary is discussing with the Cabinet secretary his minister's shortcomings: Permanent Secreatry: He went to the L.S.E., you know. Cabinet Secretary: So did 1. Permanent Secretary: Oh, 1 am sorry. There are about half a dozen toffs and snobs at L.S.E. and they are generally made to feel as unwelcome as possible. If anyone is 18th in line to the throne here, it is much more likely that this refers to a person's position in the queue for the lavatory rather than having anything to do with royalty. If the latter were the case the person concerned would keep it very quiet; it's not the place for that sort of thing. L.S.E. is, if I may use the awful expression, 'declasse'. It is quite common, in fact, for people with public school accents to have something called 'de-ellocution lessons'. Linton Kwesi Johnson, the Black poet, reputedly spoke the Queen's English when he first arrived, but he left with a degree in Sociology and a street-cred accent. On the top floor of our Administration building sits the Director of the L.S.E., who for the next five years at least is Dr. I.G. Patel, and Indian economist and civil servant. The Director is Camden Market even before my run in with the Liverpool fashion critics. Matt wrote that at Princeton (one of the last bastions of cosmopolitan cretinism) he was complimented on his wardrobe. If that's so, and he was wearing one of those secondhand overcoats, then it confirms what I have always suspected - Americans have little or no taste. 2. Though I have tried, 1 just can't give up the Herald Tribune. This is after all the season of the "October Classic". When I first arrived in London, 1 became a regular reader of The Times, but 1 soon grew tired of waking up with newsprint on my forehead. The next papers 1 sampled, The Star and The Daily Mail, were interesting, but 1 always got the feeling that I was invading the privacy of others. "How Bambi killed his family", and "Why the Queen scolded Di" it seemed, was none of my what any other college would call a principal and his functions include such gargantuan tasks as attending the naming of a train at Euston Station called 'The London School of Economics'. For many Americans L.S.E. becomes a base from which to sample the delights of 'foreign fields'. Invariably the 'culture shock' suffered on arrival at the LSE leads to an initial dislike of the place. (Although it could be pointed out that they don't tend to spend enough time here between trips to the USSR and Western Europe to appreciate fully the fine points of the L.S.E.). Paradoxically those selfsame Americans spend their Christmas holidays working on ways in which to transfer their credits in order to graduate from the L.S.E.! How therefore can one survive at the L.S.E., herd you with the 'natives' and avoid pitfalls? Yearly, codes of conduct emerge, the observance of which helps assimilation into society. Certain traits are iden-tifiably "Red"- the holding of three bank accounts (all are drained.), drinking G & T in the Beavers Retreat at lunchtime, living in South London, and being gay. Continuing in the same vein - living in Leyton, eating at the L.S.E., drinking beer in the "tuns" at lunchtime, joining the labour club and gaining a 2/1 are seen by those who are considered knowledgeable of such things - to be tacky! Hot bed or Rose bed? That was the question, the answer must lie with you. business. I did eventually settle with a paper that gave me "a sense of the mood of the nation" but made the mistake of reading on the steps of the old Building where I was fair game for a roving group of anti-nuclear, pro-whale revolutionaries. I was firmly lectured on my fascistic, anti-human, racist action. Little did 1 know that The Sun, Sid Viscious' paper of choice, could lead to so much trouble. 3. In addition to adding boiled potatoes, beans, and bitter to my diet - 1 wanted to get that pale, constipated, intellectual look - I decided to take Matt's third bit of advice and joined a few of LSE's pohtical societies. 1 was really surprised at the number of choices ; Revolutionary Communists, Marxist Students, Sikh Separatists, Socialists. Unfortunately, I soon had to quit most of the clubs. It seems that 1 just SEE PAGE 5 More on Americans at LSE PAGE 4 THE BEAVER, MONDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1986 Features AN INTERVIEW WITH WILLY BRANDT The recent graphic descriptions of famine and poverty in Africa have stimulated more people to overcome their own apathy and try to help. One of those who believes in the emergence of a new consciousness is Willy Brandt, who spoke at the LSE in the Spring of last year. In his speech, Brandt, 1971 winner of the Nobel Peace Prize and former Social Democratic chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, explained his argument that the underdevelopment of the Southern hemisphere is closely linked with the arms race and East-West confrontation. This theme is also worked out in Brandt's new book, 'World Armament and World Hunger', (see box) Although many analysts have been aware of these linkages for decades, determined action against this injustice has not been forthcoming. Bernd Barutta asked Willy Brandt his opinion about the possibility of concrete actions, specifically about the usefulness of private charity and 'live aid' concerts. BEAVER: Mr. Brandt, in your book "World Armament & World Hunger" you have provided a very good analysis of the contemporary situation of the arms race. But in my opinion, a problem not addressed by the analysis is that we need more concrete action on the arms race. In your belief, would a German government led by the Social Democrats be able to reduce the defence budget within the 4-year legislative period after the 1987 elections'? Brandt: That is not so easy! I also think that the crucial point is not that countries fall out of their NATO and Warsaw Pact alliances but that they call for a more constructive policy within their alliances. I am sure that a government led by the Social Democrats would not increase the defence budget relatively more than the entire budget — if at all. But the main focus has to be on persuading the allies to form a more constructive position on arms control questions together. BEAVER: Don't you think that it would encourage others if we could say: We cut our defence budget about two percent within four years!" Aren't the Federal Republic, Great Britain and especially the superpowers the ones who have to make the first unilateral step? Brandt: Certainly, but the Federal Republic is still viewed with such distrust that it is in her own interest to pursue policies that would be in accord - if not with the United States, than at least with her immediate West European neighbours. BEAVER; Last year, numerous 'aid' campaigns for Africa took place in the Federal Republic and in Great Britain. Do you believe that such relief campaigns are useful? Brandt: I consider such actions very useful! Firstly, it is already a step forward if one can actually help people, rather than just talk about them. Secondly, it leads to an increasing interest which often does not stop at the charitable level, but stimulates people to think about the deep-seated causes of famine. BEAVER: Could such actions put too much emphasis on private responsibility and distract from the actual structural causes such as the 'terms of trade'? Brandt: Quite right! I would be very unhappy if private charity were seen as an alternative for extremely necessary major reforms. I very much hope that those who are engaged in relief actions will also begin to think about the more deep-seated causes, as well as the fundamental changes which have to be brought about through pressure on the superpowers. BEAVER: In your lecture, you mentioned the summit between Reagan and Gorbachev. Can such summits become an occasion for yet more posturing, thereby thrusting the actual content into the background? Brandt: This danger actually exists and it is good to remain very critical about the problem. Nevertheless, I believe that beyond the public relations elements, both sides - I won't say on which side more - have an interest in achieving progress in arms reductions. On the other hand, if I am wrong, it is an additional reason to exert pressure on our own governments, and through our own governments, on the superpowers, so that they really negotiate and not just hold empty meetings. Labour Should not Abandon Productive Values BEAVER: In the Federal Republic as well as in other European countries, people discuss the possibility of the reunification of Germany as a neutral state. Do you believe that this would be the first step to real detente? Brandt: This remains only a theoretical possibility and one that will not be realized. Over and beyond the actual wishes of both East and West Germans, the main powers in West and East disagree about 100 issues but they agree in the 101st -namely that they will not allow a reunified and neutral Germany. It is important, however, that the Germans in East and West, although living in different political systems, work as far as possible with their allies in order that the tensions in Europe are overcome. It is a crucial task to reunite the different parts of Europe. I think that a real chance of this does exist, but there is not possibility of an isolated approach to the 'Grerman question'. BEAVER: The London School of Economics is a scientific institution. Should science formulate normative suggestions for political policy? Brandt: What should a high level of education be used for if not for suggesting alternatives for political policy? It is the main duty of science to supply politicians with knowledge which is not derived from emotions, but which is based on analysis of objective factors and their connections. BEAVER: Mr. Brandt, thank you very much. Brandt: Thank you. by PAUL KLEBNIKOV Industriousness, professionalism, duty, and loyalty to the group - why are these values seen as the property of the Right? These are values that are much respected by most of the working class, but they have been scornfully thrown aside by most leftist intellectuals. No, this is not admitted by the leading politicians of the Labour Party, but it comes through unmistakeably as the character of the party. Surely the structural economic problems of Britain (let alone the world around us) have not been so resolved as to induce complacency and an attitude of putting one's feet up to enjoy the products of one's labour. Yet, this is the impression that comes across when we hear Labour talking about increasing material rewards without first mentioning the increase of production as the top priority. Redistribution without raising production - is this the Labour program? It smacks of utopiansism and of what Lenin called the "infantilism of the left". We are living on the fruits of a financial empire and of a world trading system that permits us much greater rewards for much less work compared to other peoples. What hypocrisy, then, for so many welfarists to demand greater benefits for less work. The only people with a genuine claim to special consideration in receiving social welfare benefits are the more helpless members of our society: the elderly, the handicapped, and children. For the rest, what should be demanded is not more crumbs from the table (for that would be a justification of the feast) but the resolution of the class struggle and the abolition of the unequal class system. This would mean the nationalisation of the heights of national industry, the elimination of the vastly unequal system of material rewards, and the elimination of the militaristic and pornographic ideas that are constantly corrupting our minds. Labour, for one, has failed to move strongly in this direction. They have gotten bogged down on the one hand by economism (more crumbs from the table) and on the other by their inability to produce a technological counter-elite to run the new eco-nomic order. Economism, feminism, and gay liberation, if they were supposed to serve as catalysts to ignite class consciousness (in pursuit of revolutionary goals), certainly have not done so, since they substitute self-centredness and solipsism for collective unity and dedication to a historical goal. The left has also failed to produce a genuine counter-elite. We have been quite successful in producing a counter-culture, but this is inevitably a fragile plant, dependent on the socioeconomic infrastructure. No revolution has ever been made without the appearance of a counter-elite, which not only could run the country on more morally just principles, but also could run it more efficiently. The absence of this counter-elite has forced the Labour Party, for one, into a dependence either on the existing business community or on a small group of technocrats who profess left-wing loyalties but are actually firmly emplaced within the establishment. It is in institutions like the LSE where the counter-elite must arise. It is here that a person can acquire a broad political consciousness combined with specific skills in administering society and the economy. If the counter-elite does not arise here, then we are doomed to continuing economic stagnation and social discord. Let's see some socialist man-agerialism, then. Let's see revolutionary committment and a practical approach to the challenge of managing a different kind of society. Surely the Tories' claim to efficiency and professionalism in managing the country is a lie. The UK is sliding in virtually all economic sectors. It is a mark of the Left's complete ineptitude that it hasn't been able to capitalise on this situation. We want a redirection of resources away from missiles, corporate profits, and aristocratic luxuries and towards economic development, popular welfare, and international cooperation. The contemporary leftist intelligentsia wants these things too, but they scorn the very values that are needed to work great changes and administer a new order. We want redirection, not dissipation. LSE Formal Christmas Ball The Dorchester Hotel Excellent food and wine; Swing band; Professional disco/light show Black Tie only Tickets £26 a head Watch out for details - this is an event not to be missed! THE BEAVER, MONDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1986 PAGES College Scene The Dated Club Labour*s Vanishing Radicalism By SIMON BEXON If, during Freshers Week, you were confronted by a nice looking, middle-class, well-groomed, and, most of all, moderate sales represenatative on the Labour Club stall, you might well have wondered where all the radical socialist went to. Have all the radical Socialists joined SWSS, or have they decided that Neil Kinnock is right and that the electorate want to hear realistic, moderate Socialist policies? The Labour Club seems to have opted for a new "solid" front, typified by the highly successful party conference at Blackpool. Like the national party, electoral defeat has shaken the Left at LSE into a more professional approach. Gone are the days when the Labour Club regarded compromising their political ideals for the sake of electoral success as sacrilege, but they still maintain some of their old traditions, like the "undated letter of resignation". This is in itself a reflection of the problems that the Labour Club has had in the last five years or so. Getting people elected as Sabbaticals is the acid test of popularity at the LSE. The Labour Club has had mixed success recently, but then the major problem has been that their Sabbaticals have always had difficulty maintaining the Labour Club's "Black and White" views, while trying to undertake the business of running the Student Union. The business of negotiating pay deals with staff and being the "big boss" does not come easily to a Socialist, who tends to think that the faults of the British Industry are caused by Management error and are never the fault of workers. First John Donkersley and then Richard Snell tried, with differing degrees of success, to improve the performance of the services by staff changes, but both had to watch their backs, because their own party found any form of worker dismissal, even when incompetence was blatant, difficult to stomach. In the early 80's, the defection of Labour Sabbaticals to the SDP during their period in office Radical Change In The Legal System _ caused the Labour Club to introduce a method of keeping their Sabbaticals in order. Their candidates for Union elections must sign, before standing, a letter to the General Secretary offering their resignation. This letter is kept undated so if the naughty candidate transgresses Labour Club policy, the members of the aforementioned organization can vote to date the letter and hand it in. The previous Labour Club idealistic approach provided the Liberals with a perfect breeding ground. If we (as I am a Liberal) lose out due to the Labour Club coming to its senses and acting realistically, then so be it. Socialism tinged with reality will always be attractive to students, and if Labour can't get the votes of young people, they may as well go home now. Labour is really the only probable alternative to Thatcherism at the next election, so if those of us who quit the ranks of the soft left due to the extremes of the "Trots" have had some effect on the course of the party, both nationally and at LSE, then we have done a good job for society. Terisa Turner: Trade Union Action to Stop Oil to South Africa University of Port Harcourt Press, Nigeria (U.K. distributor: 36, Hillrise Mns, Warltersville Rd., London N19 3PU) Price; £1.50 pp. 36 Terisa Turner, who earned a Ph.D. from the London School of Economics in 1977, has compiled an informative, useful and thoroughly documented work, which is also refreshingly free of insider jargon. It clearly reflects her intensive work in the field, and it is to her credit that she has been able to condense a great deal of information in such a clear and concise manner. Whether you are involved in campaigning to bring an end to the Apartheid regime of South Africa, a researcher or student working around the issue of sanctions or simply a concerned individual wondering what you can do, this unassuming booklet is for you. For campaigners, it provides empirical evidence on how internationally agreed-upon sanctions are circumvented. It lists specific companies and countries which are actively engaged in such practices or at least turn a blind eye to them. This obviously might prove very useful ammunition. It raises a wealth of issues which might serve as focal points for action, such as flying flags of convenience. For researchers and students, the appendix reproduces documents in full from as varied sources as OPEC, the UN, the Nigerian shipping communique, the Trinidad oilworkers report, and newspaper reports of guerrilla action. The sources are cited complete with reference number, etc.; no doubt a welcome lead for academics in the field. Of course, one has to come to expect such meticulous work from a former LSE student. Trade Unionists will find suggestions and examples of how they as individuals and/ or as organizations can express their solidarity in a practical manner. The booklet emphasizes the importance of such individual and collective actions to ensure the effectiveness of an oil embargo. Individuals and other organizations could simply decide to enforce thiet- own embargo by refusing to purchase oil or petrol from any company that is breaking the agreed sanctions. Finally, it will not take you a year and a day to read Dr. Turner's booklet. For those of us under constant time pressure, this is definitely an advantage. I reccommend Trade Union Action to Stop Oil to South Africa wholeheartedly. Gerelinde Rambausek By RYND SMITH A strong call for radical change in the English Legal System was made by Mr Tony Gifford Q.C., a prominant left wing barrister who has recently finished an independent enquiry into the rioting at Broadwater Farm, Tottenham, last year. Presenting the D. N. Pritt Memorial Lecture to the Hal-dane Society of Socialist Lawyers Mr Gifford referred to Pritt's identification of the class-basis of the English Legal System as an obstacle to justice and social reform. Mr Gifford continued to state the pressing need for reform of the Legal System and called upon the Haldane Society to lobby the Labour Party with a view to the adoption of a radical four point programme of legal reform. Mr Gifford first demanded the establishment of a Ministry of Justice which would bring the administration of the Judiciary within the control of the House of Commons. This would involve the abolition of the current legal duties of the Lord Chancellor and the removal of responsibility for the magistracy from the Home Office to the new Ministry; judicial appointments would be the responsibility of a "Justice Select Committee". His second demand was for the creation of an open selection system for the magistracy, whereby the selection could be seen by the public at large to be qualitatively based. In tandem with this he called for a more open method of judicial appointment, allowing all qualified lawyers of three years standing the possibility of call. Those called would have to undertake further and specialised studies. The admission of Academic Lawyers to the Judiciary would also be allowed, hopefully elevating the intellectual calibre and cohesion of judgements particularly in the higher courts. Mr Gifford stated that the combined Judiciary under the new Ministry of Justice should be subject to the scrutiny of the Commission for Legal Administration accomplishing a role similar to that of ombudsmen combined with a function as an Inspectorate of Judiciary. His third demand was for a governmental extension of the Legal Aid system. He rejected the establishment of a "National Legal Service" after the N.H.S. model on the grounds that such a service could exacerbate the split in the legal profession between the high calibre, highly rewarded, city private practi-cioner and the correspondingly lower calibre, low paid, public service Lawyer. As extension of the Lgal Aid system as currently run would be in the best interest of the underpriviledged in society, maintaining as it does as least some access by the poor to high calibre practictioners. His fourth and final demand was for the abolition of the separate professions of Barrister and Solicitor. He singled out for particular criticism the unprogres-sive system of call to the bar which effectively calls for most aspirant barristers to be self-funding. In future, he said, all lawyers should undergo a non-specialised and salaried professional vocational training period, somewhat similar to soli- citors' articles. Any qualified lawyer would then be free to take further, perhaps part time, study and to join Chambers on a junior basis with a view to becoming a specialist consultant. Concluding his talk, Mr Gifford stated his view that it was the task of the Haldane Society to provide a forum for radical legal discussion and policy making, with a view to creating a progressive policy on Legal Service to the community to be implemented by the next Labour Government. While undoubtedly Mr Gifford addressed many of the problems currently bedeviling the English Legal System, he did not appear to adequately consider the method of reform, or indeed changes contained within. His four basic demands would involve the Labour Party in a direct confrontation with the legal establishment. Thus, while Mr Gifford's demands articulated undeniable problems in the Legal System, such as the uniformly middle-class input into the Bar and the lack of a common controlling Ministry of Justice accountable to the House of Commons, they do not appear to represent entirely practical policies capable of being adopted by the Labour Party. However, the lecture and following discussion did raise many useful questions about the provision of legal services to the general public. (This Lecture was the first in an Autumn series of lectures at which the Haldane Societi/ and members of the public will be addressed by prominant members of the legal professionat venues to be announced by the LSE.) Nursery's Survival FROM PAGE 1 cial affairs while at the same time School student support funds can be used to assist those student parents who cannot afford this level of fee. It is important at this point to correct the impression that the School has control over the staff/ child ratio. In the first place, the School has a policy of no staff redundancies. The School also has a statutory obligation to register the nursery with Westminster City Council which determines the number of staff to be employed for a given number of children. The Council were made aware of the nursery's problems in August this year and in the circumstances agreed that the number of staff could be reduced by one from seven to six. A member of staff has recently resigned so that School is now employing the minimum permissable number of staff. Westminster City Council have made clear that the staff numbers could only be further reduced if the parents were willing to operate a rota to provide a sixth adult in the nursery. There has been no indication that the parents are able or willing to pursue this option. In a letter to Rory O'Driscoll, Senior Treasurer, I have offered to open discussion to explore ways in which the School and the Students' Union might cooperate in seeking solutions to our nursery's problems. There are no simple answers, and the task will require considerable effort by those whose aim it is to restore financial stabihty to the nursery. Americans FROM PAGE 3 didn't have the stamina for all that revolutionary activity. With candlelight vigils at night and marches during the day, 1 wasn't getting all of my assigned reading done. Call us sociopathic. Everyone knows that Americans read only to make other students nervous. I must confess, though, that the primary reason for leaving my communal comrades was the lack of any recognizable social life. I joined the clubs for "a sense of community" and to meet women. The only sense I found was the common sense to quit. As for the women, they had a greater appetite for food than they did for revolution. 5. Just remember not to take all this anti-Americanism too seriously. Most Brits don't eat well, they have waxy toilet paper, and exercise infrequently, and are consequently uptight. So, if life in London has got you down, just remember that both the Vandals and the Goths went to Rome and did as they pleased. PAGE 6 THE BEAVER, MONDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1986 Arts Films The Decline Of The American Empire 1 1 Copyn9ra • MCMLXXXV By Pwamoorn P^turts Corpo