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BRITISH LIBRARV OF POLITICAL S ECONOMIC SQEHCt
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1 8J11H1990
NEWSPAPER OF THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMJCS STUDENTS' UNION
No. 93 Second of Autumn Term
3d. or 11 N.P.
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BEAVER
Open Letter To Accommodation Committee
On November 6th the Accommodation Committee will be asked to consider a motion to grant the Athletic Union full use of E29 as a supplementary to the gymnasium for indoor recreational facilities.
The reasoning behind this request lies in the fact that, despite tremendous expansion in student population, there has been no comparative expansion in recreational facilities. In the last ten years alone the membership of the Athletics Union has doubled from 256 in 1958-59 to over 500 in 1967-68, yet where are the facilities to meet this expansion.^ Not in the gym certainly, which cannot even support a badminton club and certainly not in our one squash court which cannot possibly support its three hundred members, unless they are prepared to wait two weeks for a game.
Meanwhile at Liverpool, in their new expensive sports block, students have the use of a swimming pool, sports hall and four squash courts and even at U.C. they can boast a large gymnasium, three squash courts, a table-tennis room and a general activities room.
Yet all we are asking for is just one room, that just for once the A.U, can be given first priority among the many claimants. Fifteen years ago on the 10th May 1954, the Chairman of the Athletics Committee suggested that "in view of earlier discussion, it might be well to place on record the inadequacy of the squash court to meet the demands upon it" but still nothing has been done to improve the position. Are we to wait another fifteen years and then to see our request for E29 be denied?
For far too long the A,U. has been content to pass grand motions deploring the facilities at L.S.E. and then see "fine" words pigeon-holed for posterity. Is this the disillusionment that stems from negotiation? Can nothing be achieved without a clash of power?
We shall await with interest the result of the meeting on November 6th since our faith in negotiation, though not yet dead, already has a burial plot in the Houghton Street graveyard.
J. K. Ashcroft (President, Athletic Union)
LONDON DYING

LSE: The Natives are Restless
A Report on Student Power in Action by Paul Hoch and Vic Schoenbach
Published by Sheed and Ward
10 shillings
OPPORTUNITIES FOR GRADUATES
IN THE
PROBATION AND AFTER-CARE SERVICE
If you are concerned about people, would you like to offer a professional service to the community and face the challenge of helping offenders and their families? The probation and after-care service offers real opportunities for young men and women graduates. This is demanding but satisfying work which calis for an unusually high degree of initiative and personal responsibility if effective help is to be given to a wide variety of people. Training before and after entry helps the new officer to develop his skill and confidence in dealing with difficult problems of human relationships.
Career prospects are good and there are opportunities for work connected with research, training and administration and for secondment to prisons for experience of work in institutions.
There are vacancies for trained probation officers in most parts of England and Wales. Training combines academic and practical work, and lasts between seventeen months and two years according to the course chosen. If, however, your degree is in social studies or allied subjects you can complete training in less than a year.
Students taking a professional course for probation and after-care work will be treated as trainee employees of the service and paid a salary. Graduates will enter the trainee scale at a minimum of £930.
After appropriate training graduates enter the probation officer salary scale at not less than £1,080 increasing to £1,600. Officers working in the London area receive an addition of £90 a year. Senior Probation Officers' salaries rise to £2,015; the salaries of higher grades range up to £3,320 according to area (£3,830 in Inner London).
For fuller information write or telephone:
DAVID FRASER University Lfaison Officer INNER LONDON PROBATION AND AFTER-CARE AREA Telephone: 272 4648
John Nash's Cumberland Terrace



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London daily loses part of its history and beauty. Moreover its character and community is slowly eroded to be banished to faceless suburbs where community is dead. The newly proposed motorways will cut accurately through the areas where some cohesion and beauty can still be found — Greenwich. Hampstead etc.
This is produced by the ever expanding needs of capitalism. The motor car must be sold, the construction interests kept going and in the process the last traces of community destroyed. Our own university is at the forefront with its massacre of Woburn Square, another nail hammered in the coffin of Georgian architecture.
The illustration above shows one of the few renovation jobs being done in the face of the advance of the Faceless glass and concrete grants that stand empty across London. Yet only a few hundred yards away a row of Georgian buildings is coming down.
The incredible thing is that these projected plans are only answering the problems of transport for ten years after completion and will by their own impetus, make themselves redundant — for which unique areas must be sacrificed.
A project group at the LSE has estimated the appalling costs, not only in terms of life, but also money that this expanstion will cause.
A simple, but subversive, solution would be to make all transport free within 10 miles of Charing Cross (or have a fixed fare of say 6d). Savings on traffic, police, road maintenance, road expansion, cleaning of buildings, health, transport efficiency would more than offset the cost of the service. Moreover life in general would be healthier and much valuable architecture saved.
This would still leave the office builders desperately smashing across the skyline. The few remnants of the City of London's past are in danger from their own occupants -rents outbidding aesthetic values.
The beauty of centuries will now be subjugated to the roaring vibrations of 40 ton lorries, Concorde and jumbo-jets. Only when the first cathedral collapses will an inquiry suggest half measures. It took Aberfan to move the waste of 100 years.
Euston's antiseptic charms have convinced most people modern capitalist needs are not the same as the best architectural needs (no seats even, as passengers cluttcr up the place). St. Pancras Hotel or Paddington roof are wonders of priceless value compared to Centre Point or the Shell Building (what an apt name).
The only way we seem to be able to save anything is by shipping it to America or selling it to American tourists. The Sunday supplements have sped through so many trends and worried so much on what's in a building that people no longer seem to care about the face of humanity — the Greeks prime concern, it was the Romans who began to doll up the inside and forget the outside (significant perhaps?)
Both are important. Beauty is difficult enough to find in the capitalists world — only a few people escape intact and the countryside is threatened by pesticides, motorways, smog, waste and sprawling towns.
DEMONSTRATION EXTRA — BETRAYAL BY BUREAUCRATS
4. -f

i
he* March
YC Meets Bureaucrats
Sit Down Meeting
Police Eye View	Meeting Waiting For Logan	In To Senate House
Despite the stories thai appeared in the daily press the march on Monday was about the links of the university with Rhodesia and the political imprisonment of five students. The Union bureaucracy tried to adopt what was inevitable and steer it into areas where it could rot for ages. Thus on the morning before the march, after the Presidents meeting the previous day trying to take over the campaign from the Action Committee, Peter Dare the ULU president and the chairman of ULU SRC visited Logan and discussed what could be offered successfully to the presidents to give them validity and to quiet the campaign.
A " stewards " meeting at UC called by their President, Walmesley, to which somehow LSE were not invited (Walmesley claiming he told Pryce—to pass on), on Monday morning began with the passing out of a stewards leaflet drafted by Walmesley(W) to UC, SOAS and LSE delegates (SOAS having informed our delegate). It set out how UC stewards (of W's making) would CONTROL (their emphasis) the march. Also if any " trouble " started these stewards would force the march away thus isolating anybody in the trouble area for police arrest.
SOAS and LSE delegates objected to the whole document and its drafting in which they were supported by UC Soc-Soc delegates. Eventually this was changed as was the presidents' plan to wander all over London to the DES. Then into the room walks Chief-Superintendent Forrest, the arrester and prosecutor of the five s'tudents and the man who opposed bail in the court charade. SOAS and LSE delegates were informed he was here to discuss the march with the meeting at W's invitation. SOAS and LSE threatened to walk out unless the officer did but the cha irman (W's crony) insisted on a vote of who wanted the police to stay in front of Forrest (the objectors to which were duly noted down
and may be used in e.....). This vote asked him to leave but he began a lecture with
comments about " bona-fide" students at which point he was challenged and progressively began to loose his cool. Eventually, after beginning with saying we believed we had good reason to march, he said " If any of you are misguided enough to march . . ." He was then very strongly asked to leave. He did.
A few minutes later the ethereal W arrived and began to try and hammer through his plans on which he would brook no disagreement wishing to know of the LSE and SOAS delegates " Who are you ? " (sounds like Pownall) and " How do I know you're not the National Front ? " He insisted in the teeth of growing criticism to lead a delegation to see Logan.
The march gathered at UC quad and about 1500 attended and was addressed before moving off. Straight after his speech W left to start the march whilst inside 95% of the marchers had a vote which decided no delegation should enter Senate House but that Logan should come to the march. This was relayed 'to W and he said "All rigiht."
After a procession around Bloomsbury the protest reached Senate House and W went ahead through the police cordon (suddenly Dare showed up to join the deputation, the person who wrote to Logan before last Tuesday hoping he would remain unaffected by the march and not resign) with other presidents. The LSE delegate was only admitted on W's say so.
The Vice-Chancellor was there to greet them and on behalf of LSE, SOAS and the march, the LSE delegate said that the presidents did not represent the march and were ignoring its wishes and that Logan should come down to the march. The VC ignored this and shook the bureaucrats by the hand and took them up 'to Logan whilst LSE returned over the fence to the bewilderment of the police. W later claimed he did not know why the other delegates did not come, and is anyway in doubt about other colleges — Saville of UC wasn't arrested and therefo re must be innocent, but there again the others . . . ?
Whilst the deputation sipped sherry and discussed staff-student relations (W's point was that the march was specifically against all violence to divert it from the issue at hand) the march shouted " We want Logan " and " No delegation". It then sat down to have
a meeting at which point the police asked, via a UC aide would all the moderates please leave so that then the police " would be forced to use violence to clear the street".
Some moved away but most stayed with crieis of " Whose Violence'? " and " If you give us back our university you can have your road". The meeting proceeded and discussed the need for a continuous campaign aaginst racism in the university, to not be stopped by offers short of those which must be considered totally justified and right and to oppose attempts by the ULU bureaucrats to divert the campaign into something more palatable to the authorities.
A gate was then found open and the protesters moved into the front of Senate House where again Logan was called on to appear. Some people pushed past police into the foyer but a further line prevented access to Senate House. A police photographer took pictures of those inside from behind the police line and as he left a student claims this gentleman pushed him in the stomach. (There were no good photos that day).
After about 30 minutes the march left for SOAS where a meeting took place (attended by UC, SOAS, LSE, QMC, Birkbeck, Bedford, Regents, Poly, Enfield. Hendon, Cols of Education, City University, NW Poly, Kings and many other Students). It repudiated the adt'ion of W & co and called for base work on college links With Southern Afriica and racist practice. A march to Brixton on Thursday was called demanding the prisoners' release; to point out that there are 75 specifically political prisoners in Brixton; to go through an area in which many of the inhabitants fight the racism, aided by LU every day. This was to be followed by a protest outside Bow Street court on Friday followed by a mass meeting in the afternoon.
At the meetings' conclusion it was heard what had been told to the deputation. An " independent" enquiry might be set up, that staff-student relations should be investigated (participation and PR again), that if it was discovered that undue force had been u.sed and instructions misinterpreted then the officers responsible would be disciplined. All this IF a tribunal is set up and IF they find the officers guilty (again all the witnesses for the students could be subject to some form of discipline in the future for their participation in the original demo.
It is conceivable that officers could be found guilty but they are always dispensable as long as the real controllers are left (i.e. Logan amongst others). It is also important for the authorities to move emphasis away from the fact the primary protest is against the support of racism by the university, an issue they are very worried about, and it was their response to this that produced the original attack on the demonstrators (and the massive response at the LSE which led to the erection of the gates and the subsequent diversions by the authorities).
Various accounts of the original demonstration have been emerging from Senate House each one more elaborate and detailed than the one before.
The latest (24-10-69) says amongst other things that they only learned of the demo the day before despite Beaver's article (following a leaflet) of the week previous, and the police claim to have been discussing the matter for two days before the march.
Now it is claimed if a request to see Logan had been made a deputation could have seen him, a fact not related to the march and despite the reply to Pownall's " What do you want?" of " Logan " in unison. Again they state if one could prove one wanted to enter the library and had the right to do so (however this can be determined) although at the time a library card was not enough.
Pownall no longer " withdrew inside the inner glass doors " and tried to close them (22-10-69) but was now (24-10-69) prevented from doing so by the assault of a demonstrator. No longer is the wooden post used as a battering ram but as a lever to keep the door open.
No mention is made of the beatings-up visible through the door which incensed those outside.
BEAVER
3
LETTER TO BEAVER
Dear Sir,
As a newcomer to the graduate school may I plead with any activists among your readers to spread a little of their revolution as far as the Film Society.
The years programme shows scarcely a film made prior to I960, and this has hardly been a golden decade for the movies. There is no Ford, no Hawks, no Bergman, no Bunuel, precious little of anything in fact — though this must be the world's first retrospective on the art of the ailing juvenile star with illustrations by Natalie Wood, Peter O'Toole, etc., etc.
This programme policy, consisting mainly of showing films of the type you don't bother to see first time around, closely mirrors that of a well known chain of so-called " art houses " so why don't those in charge come clean and change the name from Film Society to the Aldwych Classic?
Yours, H. F. MOORHOUSE.
Characters in Walt Disney's Film " Winnie the Pooh and the Blustery Day "
Solidarity Literature on Sale in the Refectory
WALLY TO GO?
Next year Wally's three year contract comes up for renewal. It is strongly rumoured that it will not be.
Reasons put forward are various. One is that Wally is obviously a public relations problem and if he was chopped all the blame for the ' troubles' would accrue to him and Robbins could stay on—the real power. Adams would be adequately rewarded for becoming the fall guy.
Second is health, a usual reason put forward when someone is being dumped—^but in Wally's case it could be true being the cipher between an oppressed student body, dissatisfied academics and the Standing Committee.
Third is the fact that Wally himself does have some feelings and is not happy with his position. He tried to resigneduring the closure but Robbins and his cronies talked him into staying so that no split or lack of resolution was perceived in the rules.
Tipped to rcplace him have been various people, the great liberal hope being Aubrey Jones but he is unacceptable to Robbins at present. However knowing the number of refusals before Adams was brought back from the colonies it may be a difficult job, especially with the bad odour left by the Select Committee Report.
Yet our ever vigilant reporters have sensed a stirring in the shadows of Oxford. Emerging conies Harry Kid back in favour with Robbins after his literary fling.
Harry, like Wally, has been Secretary of the School and is well acquainted with its operations—^particularly in times of strife having been Caine's faithful servant during the Adelstein—Bloom dispute.
Will all Societies that want copy in Beaver please send it before
Tuesday 4l-h November
Advertise YOUR activities
BIRMINGHAM ACTIVE
Birmingham has a rent strike as has London, although the Midland one has much fewer families involved. It began with eight and is now forty. The strike is on Balsall Heath estate and is for rehousing at a fair rent. The number involved is expected to grow and students, mainly socialists, are endeavouring to help all they can. A collection over two days was held on the 15th and 16th and many have attended Tenants meetings. There is a strong possibility that the present strikers will be joined by tenants of new council flats who wish to oppose exorbitant rents.
Militancy at Birmingham has grown of late with the anti-Gibb demonstration at the beginning of term, a demonstration with school students against Enoch Powell where several were arrested including the Guild President. After complaints with C.A.R.D. members. Socialists forced the UNSA to cancel a meeting on racialism to be addressed by a National Front speaker and socialist society has begun a campaign to stop secret meetings of a Working Party on the Constitution.
Anarchy Monthly Freedom Weekly
From either the Anarchist Bookstall or Freedom Press, 84a Whitechapel High St. EC4
It took about three minutes, two pounds, and one handshake to open an account with Barclays.
The three minutes were mainly spent in writing a couple of specimen signatures and in establishing my identity as a bona fide student—my passport to a charge-free account. The two pounds—all I could bank at that time—were received with a cordial handshake and I was made to feel really welcome. Nothing stuffy about Barclays. You don't believe me? Try 'em.
BARCLAYS BANK
Money is our business
4
CONDUCT YOUR OWN ALIEN
i
The Select Committee Report on Student Relations obviously raises a vast variety of questions, points and opinions. The actual recommendation section of the Report (Vol. 1) has been dissected by the media in its own superficial way and will continue to be topics of debate and analysis in the future.
The sections which seem that they will be almost ignored are those dealing with actual evidence (Vols. II to VI). These produce many fascinating details.
Those of us who sat through the Committee's meetings in the Founder's Room may remember parts well but it is obvious much is new to LSE's populace.
Perhaps it is necessary to first set the scene. The witnesses were nominated in various ways and originally the Director was going to select the student witnesses. This, however, the students managed to change but the then dominant force Socialist Society was split on whether to recognise the Committee as it was no more than a sop to liberal opinion and designed to aid the more effective assimilation of students into the role set out for them in late capitalist society. Eventually the Students Union meeting nominated from the floor various people—many of these refused to stand—^but seven emerged to go to the session.
Evidence was given by all witnesses in a light-hearted atmosphere with some of the best " comments off" for years. The climax was Lord Robbins' appearance with his puppets.
Several Fleet St. journalists felt that Robbins' deliberately tried to execerbate the situation by his attitude which displayed such complete remove from reality and insen-sitivity on every point—a factor missed in just reading the evidence. When Adams was at last allowed to speak by Robbins—or rather the Committee had to shut him up—a great cheer went up with such comments as "look he moves" and "I never saw Robbins mouth move, how does he do it."
When the point of discipline was raised various points were raised from the floor at which point the Chairman, in the light of previous warnings adjourned to another room.
Students went forward to question Robbins and Adams, this being one of the rare occasions on which this could be done. Some tried to prevent the two men leaving by linking arms in front of them as they seemed determined to ignore the students. Porters began to push people about to allow them to scuttle out.
Then, hey presto, seven stalwart bobbies burst into the room charging into a scene which was—a few people talking to M.P's. quietly in a corner, people trying to leave and Robbins and Adams confronted with students demanding they account for their actions.
The arrival of police violently barging across the crowded room produced an obvious response. If as was later stated the police were saving the M.P's., still chatting in the corner, why did they prevent one leaving?
A photographer from the Express let his natural urges come to the surface and went berserk to be joined by the Expresses' Education Correspondent. This chaos continued until the police left, after fighting a gallant retreat.
Adams' general reliability can be shown by his varying accounts of this latter event. Immediately after he said to a question about who brought police in
" I understand that the police were aware of your coming and made provisions to offer the necessary protection, that was the local branch of the police ".
Donaghue anxious to please added " It was not done by tlie School."
Adams " No ".
Committee "The decision then to enter at that particular point was made by the police of their own volition?"
Adams " Yes
But later Adams sent a statement to the Committee quote
"Prior to the visit of the ... Committee ... the police discussed with the school authorities how best the safety of the visiting M.P.'s could be ensured .... It was therefore agreed between the police and the School authorities that a sergeant and six uniformed constables should be given access to the School in readiness so that they could reach the room rapidly. Another officer was stationed in an adjoining room^
... An official of the School who was supervising this task, indicated that he needed some help. The police then came to the room ... "
This statement, in the light of the one made previously, reveals a disturbing lack of control by the Director over School officials ^rown) and a incredible lack of discussion with the director over important matters of policy.
Either this or Adams was lyii^.
Chris Pryce, our President — or at least yours.
" Basically my views are those of what I would call a Socialist."
"We are faced with a minority . . . wholly incompatible with any idea of academic endeavour, study or research."
"(We) are being dragged over by them into what is merely destructive criticism and action".
The only thing that should astonish us is that we are stiO capable of astonishment-La Roche foucould
All criticism contributes to understanding.—^Voltaire
"Each time that the Court of Governors thinks of taking action, their action only succeeds in making things worse".
"... they (the Governors) have jeopardised the future of LSE".
"I agree with Mr. Pincott who said that it would be impossible to institute the kind of liberal reforms that are wanted now".
"(we are here) to be taught by people who know".
"... the only justification for the Standing Committee is if they do their job properly. At the moment I believe they are not doing their job properly".
Our dear friend Mr. Adrian V. J. Day was so burning with the truth that he wrote to the Select Committee.
" At the LSE we are in a position, where the school authorities and the professors have virtually no authority, and where the Socialist Society are more or less in control of certain aspects of School life. This might sound like a wild exaggeration, but it is indeed the truth. Recently several lectures given by professors who do not meet with the approval of the Socialists have been deliberately broken up by a barrage of heckling. A meeting of the School Conservative Society on Rhodesia was broken up by force— students did not like what was being said. During the last sit-in, in the second week of March, students were prevented by their " fellow " Socialist students of using certain lifts and passage ways. In the past week we have had a stink bomb in the library (as a punishment for the "blacklegs") and we have had a smoke bomb during a lecture and the Socialists are allowed to get away with it. Because of this they take progressively more extreme action. Moral intimidation and occasionally physical intimidation is often used to weaken opposition among the student body to the Socialists."
The slogan painting, perhaps not extremely important in itself, is an example of the kind of hold the Socialists have on the School. The authorities choose to do nothing. [Eds. Note: Parker, Slaney, Hickley, Nelson and French were all punished and insidious techniques were tried on Gallen and Chimonas]. But the ONLY (our emphasis) powers they have are the ultimate ones of suspension or expulsion. I am not suggesting that students should be expelled for painting on walls; but I am saying that this is a necessary step for "students" who continually disrupt the academic freedom of other students. It can only be established by fact, that the most extreme leaders of the Socialists are the Americans, who often already have their degrees, and in many cases admit that they are here for the sole purpose of disrupting life (Victor Schoenbach and others). 1 would suggest that it would be no loss to this country if they were deported.
Finally it is important to remember that these Socialists have declared all-out war on the capitalist society in which we live and that Marxist morality does not exclude any means to obtain its end. It is societies right to protect itself. And it is the DUTY of those who have been placed in authority.
Any factual references above are completely true."
This fascinating insight into the mind of a Fascist opens up a great debate but let us note a few points:—
1.	The reference to the Rhodesia Teach-In is interesting. We have seen recently how a set up incident about racialism is conducted. Here is another.
The meeting was organised by the Monday Club group of Con-Soc and brought in National Front and OTC members from outside LSE to stand in front of the stage. No society meeting has ever been broken up. Still here the thugs were and when an African student, tired of the baiting from the most extreme racialists in this country, disconnected the mike (he was not a member of Soc-Soc) he was set upon by the thugs and beaten at which point others in the Old Theatre, tired to rescue him and -i fight ensued.
It transpired that exclusive press photo rights had been sold to the Daily Express
before the meeting.
Draw your own conclusions.
2.	Nobody can find an example of physical intimidation.
3.	Many people involved in the account would be very angry at being termed Socialists.
4.	The prevention of use of lifts or passage again is not recalled by anybody we asked.
5.	Mr Day shows a complete misunderstanding of Soc-Soc politics if he thinks the Americans the most extreme leaders (bu t then he has never attended a Soc-Soc meeting).
6.	Mr. Schoenbach has never stated what Mr. Day attributes to him nor have any of the other Americans.
" I came to LSE to do a one year working course. The course itself has been very good but it has been disrupted throughout the year by a small group of militants. Now these militants have not taken the trouble to get their decisions ratified by the staff, by the students or by anybody. These militants have no commitment at all to this school. A few of them are lecturers but most of them are Governors."
John Bibby, a moderate to the Select Committee.

noN
THE PARTICIPATION GAME
HEAR NO EVIL
Compare the statements of Mr. Pryce with those he made iliis two unsuccessful propositions of our accepting sof 'participation'. The first from the Standing Court rejected by the union unless seats were granted on the ding Court the real seat of power.
lose from the Academic Board the following week, i;ily split to make it seem to be completely separate la those of the Governors, but as Prof. Griffiths said, :iiink the constitutional position ... is that the Governors ie School are the only statutory authority for making a sion. The Academic Board has no constitutional posi-|..."
•utther. Pryce himself had said: ". . . neither, in my view, ithey capable of taking the decision and the role they ?lit! be taking." Nevertheless Pryce wanted us to accept lions on committees of this vague body with no assurance could have any real say in the school. These two motions nejected,
lut "socialist" Pryce made his position clear when he 1 "1 should think that no one who is genuinely working lis could be, in my view, competent to sit on the Court loovernors."

ISE Committee Member
A public inquiry is the response to the insoluble contradictions posed by the LSE to the states educational system. In this way the faults could be temporarily appeased with ' participation', token admonitions, criticism of both sides and a re-structuring of power.
The basic control of the university would not change. Perhaps we would have more representatives of ' moderate opinion' — in fact mediated establishment thought — or not such vulgarly obvious links with capital and colonialism. We could remove the Economics Advisor to the Bank of England, the ex-Permanent Secretary to the Board of Trade, the Deputy Chairman of the P & O but still either via a State central committee or a newly structured governing body capital would speak.
Robbins Report and Plowdens' Report would still dominate official thinking and the contradictions caused by any further changes would be unthinkable to an inquiry made up of our Governor's mates.
But the university itself is a contradiction in its very concept, function and operation. A middle class production house of future managers, politicians, economists and the mechanics of life — sociologists tinkering with the parts of capitalist society maintained by the profits of, and controlled by, large scale capitalist concerns.
The ruthlessness of these concerns and government connivance in their search for greater profits is indicated by one of our governors Arnold Weinstock of GEC-AEI-EE whose workers would be only too happy to show how a ' Labour' Govt, aids the smashing of workers.
To obscure what is being done obscure definitions are coupled with the esablishment ones thus
" The law of trespass.....needs.....being looked
at very carefully by the Law Officers of the Crown and other people of good will." (Lord Robbins).
Whoever these "people " are the authorities are at the moment sure of their position.
" Dr Adams and I have been along to Scotland Yard and have friendly and intimate consultations with the Commissioner ". (Lord Robbins).
This position is able to " survive attempts at sit ins on a not inconsiderable scale " but if a real challenge is mounted the real relationship to the State must be revealed—^for they lok on our presentations of demands as petitions to be granted at their discretion not claims of our rights in the university.
Our role is clear—to consent to their dictates.
" The reference to consent was made in relation to discipline but I would extend it right across the board (Adams).
And so clearly is everything put in the capitalist mind the role of these " consenting " committees, the bureaucracy, is clearly shown.
" I think the duty of the bureaucracy is to service the decision making bodies to see the relevant information is there, to remove details and to allow decisions to be made and then applied administratively. 1 think it would be a complete mistake for the bureaucracy to be turned into a decision making area."
Act 1: 3 natives elevated onto an administrative committee of about 15. Everyone hopeful. The new Era of Participation has come.
Act 2: the doors of the committee room shut—and for the new few months we seldom hear from our "student representatives". All deliberation confidential.
Act 3; students unhappy—grievances mounting, nothing is being done about them. They say its time for action.
Act 4 : the return of participators—they say everything will be fine if only we give them time and claim militants are being "irresponsible'. So most, after a few token demo's and sit-ins just wait.
Act 5: its just about exam time. Our student reps have returned for good. Their 'demands' are somewhere in the endless, impersonal wheels of the bureaucracy, perhaps to emerge some day in watered down unrecognisable forms. What did we wait for? A few minor reforms—and then only if we're lucky. yAs the Sunday Mirror (7-9-69) put it 'This is the committee game . . . keep at it—but don't be surprised if you end up where you started."
What is it all for? As Lord Annon candidly admitted in the House of Lords (19th June, 1969), it's a good way of keeping "moderates" out of the arms of the "militants". "Moderate leaders" sit around in back room committees playing games with administrators. Militants mount a few meaningless, badly attended demos. And the system goes along quite smoothly. They even have committees for Catholics in Ulster. Ian Smith has native councils for the blacks in Rhodesia. The technique has been used by the Colonial Office in Africa, Malaya, Aguilla, Hong Kong, Honduras what have you.
But the natives are getting restless.
(Courtesy of Regents Review)
You were convicted of aggravated bronchitis last year: and I find that although you are now only twenty-three years old, you have been imprisoned on no less than fourteen occasions for illness of a more or less hateful character; in fact, it is not too much to say that you have spent the greater part of your life in jail___
You may say that it is not your fault. The answer is ready enough to hand and it amounts to this—that if you had been born of healthy and well-to-do parents, and had been well taken care of when you were a child, you would never have offended against the laws of your country, nor found yourself in your present disgraceful position. If you tell me that you had no hand in your parentage and education, and that it is therefore unjust to lay these things to your charge, I answer that whether you being in a consumption is your fault or no, it is a fault in you, and it is my duty to see that against such faults as this the common wealth shall be protected. You may say that it is your misfortune to bq criminal; I answer that it is your crime to be unfortunate.
judges speech from EREWHON.
i
6
BEAVER
BEYOND THE POINT OF ORDER
or PRAXIS MAKES PERFECTION
Is it the mixture as before? That is, are there only two possible power structures for LSE? The Administration of Authority of Adams, with or without the Piety of Pragmatism with the President; or, The Tyranny of the Talking Tomkinson, with or without choruses of Shaw. Do we have to have directions, i>ersonalities, must we always have orders and commands and an apparatus which negates action?
WHY WAIT ANY LONGER FOR THE WORLD TO BEGIN?
Haven't we all waited long enough? From birth there has always been somebody to tell us what we should think, what we should feel—the whole intent of the machinery of Society is to deny to each of us our unique possibilities— for establishing our own relationships with our environment, for determining our own perception of the world. Parents are only given the simple, mechanical, part of the task— they foul each of us emotionally and disown us from our bodies, but they prepare the way for the real work-out. This is left for a specially well-oiled machine: EDUCATION. Prisoners of a home we did not choose and tied to a treadmill we never desired, we lurch on and on and on. All the time, there is Authority—their hard red cross of Intelligence slashed through our frail imaginings, scraps of poems, lines of songs. We are compelled to cash in our feelings and receive a bucket load of mystery parcels— but inside the wrapping of each are the same black plastic cubes. Each with the same white button on top—^we press the button, the cube shakes, the lid opens, the mechanical hand presses the button, the hand withdraws, the shaking stops. Aint Freedom grand!
And where does the ghost-train/love-tunnel trip, which we never chose to make, where does that end up? All places lead to brain for the elite, and brain is housed in academe and academe is no grove of roses tended by sprightly gardeners—academe is this refined torture chamber—LSE IS WHERE IT'S AT. Here they give us their special CS of the mind—vomiting and stumbling we race up stairs or pack into cattle truck lifts; lurching and tearful we run from the vomatorium of the library to the sanitarium (Ward 7) of the class or the mortuary of the lectures—to die so many times, to be crippled (because between the morning and the afternoon they've raised the hurdles yet again). Skinner tells it like they'd like it—recently he spoke of wiring up the university desks to reinforce authority by the occasional electric shock.
But you know all this—this part's really The Game (but, like Carl Solomon's ping pong it takes place over a real abyss) and so okay, we do not know the rules, and all right, we thought it was going to be a race track but its an electrified maze—but that's part of The Game. I am free to write, and you are free to read, this. We are all perfectly free to hold a continuous Union Meeting. We are free to occupy the building (providing we hand it back as we found it and us unchanged by the process!): this is a Free Society didn't you know. We can always leave after all.
Sit down, Neddy, and I'll tell you a tale; nobody is scared of words. Nobody is frightened by sexy covers on the front of Beaver. Not a single authoritarian is scared of leaders arising from the student body. There are some kinds of ACTION which make authoritarians jumpy. First, damage to property, particularly if they can claim that the property was private. (Remember Alan Day, he was screaming ' This, sir, is a club' when we went into the SCR). Private Property—one of yer natural order of things, ain't it? Always been there, always will. But this concept of Private Property is an interesting one: this typewriter is considered private, whereas I would consider it to ' belong to' whomsoever was using it—it has a wide spectrum of potential ' owners', the user is the user. But take my mind— that, you might think, was private property: but 1 am not allowed to study what I want, read what T want, see what I want. They have power to disrupt my mind but we musn't disrupt their School which happens to be disrupting our minds. 1 am free to think, granted, but this thinking, and your thinking, is not done in isolation. It's done during a BLITZKRIEG — spreading a peculiar kind of mental napalm, that sticks where it touches and etches in acidly where it sticks.
The other ACTION which authoritarians do not like is people gaining power over their actual day to day existence DIRECTLY, not through surrogates (who can be perverted, bought off, or otherwise muted). What is the reality of the day to day social practice of each of us at LSE? Union meetings? Society meetings? Eating and drinking in LSE or outside? None of these are significant in each of our lives as we live them day to day since they do not relate to our contact with the necessities of (their) produc-
tion: attending to the needs of (their) knowledge factory: classes, reading, writing, listening. What would alter the nature of this day to day reality, what would establish the possibility of new relationships with our environment? Not leaders appearing at Union meetings! Not machinations at Society meetings! Not statements like this, which are exhor-tatory, evangelistic and, in an experimental sense, without meaning! Potential change comes through taking action, direct action, mass action, in the area which most determines our day to day lives within this Institution—by establishing, for each course, assemblies of all participants on that course. Not committees of representatives. Not departmental assemblies. Not grievance-meetings of students who then send a rep. or delegate to meet with the Staff. These assemblies must involve everyone concerned with each course. These arc the real groups within LSE: groups which daily attend to the same machine tasks, undergo the same mental tortures and agonies of the spirit—these are the people who are linked by shared experience. These are the effective power bases within LSE. It is here that the central questions are asked: who defines whom?; who defines what for whom? These are the key questions concerning power. Are we to remain defined by them, are our studies to continue to be defined by them—' them ' being anyone outside the assembly of participants of that course.
It is not representation on the Standing Committee which is wanted, but removal of the power structure which permits the existence of the Standing Committee. It is not a more radical Union Council, but the abolishing of the super-impository powers of Council: the abolition of the Union. Gaining control over our day to day lives at LSE, at the level where that control is effective, is the key to everything else—everything follows from the courses. Who controls the courses controls the School—for it is here, at base level, that all of us, each of us, are daily tried and questioned, daily set running through their maze, daily compelled to feed our heads on academic garbage, perfumed by permissiveness, but we can TASTE it! We can FEEL it!
From control of our own lives, redefinition of everything else follows — power comes from the bases, interlocked through specifically mandated (and recallable) delegates, e.g. for the Libraries. For the School as a School, we need a General Assembly open to everyone—but if we controlled the courses, the courses would be open to everyone too! We do not need leaders, how many times does the bitter lesson have to be learned? Leaders can be doped, drugged, absorbed: who can absorb all of us, organised into bases? It's your life, defend it! And afterwards, you might ask me, after all this—what then? And I would reply that you do not need leaders. Feel your own unique revolution through the pores of your skin, through the very guts of your own spirit: FEEL IT. I know no other way of advance, 'all knowledge originates in direct experience'/' he who wants to know a thing has no way of doing so except by coming into contact with it'/' if you want knowledge you must take part in the practice of changing reality' (my pupil Mao said all that). Feel your own way forward, cut free of ancestral myths, take liberty and pride to guide you, and liberty doesn't come from above, if anyone offers you more liberty, don't ever turn your back!
I do not know what would happen to any Institution where the power structure was abolished, where there was no inherited arbitrary power, where control of each work-area was vested in the people concerned with that area. Of course it has its own kind of terror! Haven't we been taught precisely to accept, to be deferential, since we were babies? I think that we wouldn't all be so excruciatingly uptight as we race round the School; I feel there might be real laughter (not giggling which is deferred screaming), and I sense that we might begin to claim back those lost years of our own spirit, to create our own unique styles again.
Try it and see BOMBARD THE HEADQUARTERS!
Li Ta Chao.
DON'T DIE FOR A SYSTEM/ITVE FOR A SELF
You are what you are/let no one deny
for if they said other/they'd surely lie
what's digested by self/beams out high & low
and the sending/the self/can never die.
Use your senses/be direct/reach out for liberation:
catch the pendulumoftime and STOP IT/blow
yourpuffbalimind
and if this revolt of self/becomes a revolution life's there to be eaten/you could do so much worse you eat the centre (baby)/chuck away the rind.
You may not have noticed in the last edition that there was a tiny mention of Professor McKenzie however it seems to have aroused a great deal of agitation in the Sociology Department. We have received two letters from its members (Earl Hopper jar some reason signed twice) and it is very gratifying^ to know McKenzie aronses such loyalty in his fellow academics.
The first letter repudiates the insinuations in the piece and deplores such personal and unsubstantiated attacks of this kind (signed by D. Glass, F. Heidensohn, E. Hooper, G. Newfield, A. Stewart, P. Tomlinson, E. Weinberg, J. We.ttergaard, P. Wiles). The other is more lengthy and whilst supporting any member of the Schools right to criticise, objects to the article and moreover answers that it was libellous and unsubstantiated by facts. (M. Clifford-Vaughan, D. McRue, P. Cohen. D. A. Martin, C. Crouch. E. Gellner, M. Hill, E. Hopper. P. Rock, B. Scharf, R. J. Wilson).
Apart from the fact some of the signatories have done what they accuse the article of in statements last year, they must appreciate if every statement had to be completely defined communication in this society would be impossible and most of our lecturers silenced.
However we make this reply:
1.	If it was libellous show us your writ.
2.	None of the points mentioned was made without good cause due to information throughout the year.
3.	When he visited the Union during the crisis after the gates he appeared very annoyed and left when asked to wait until another speaker had finished (he had come to present his compromise plan of an " independent" inquiry).
4.	Most students have a better chance of seeing him on television than in the college and this highlights the whole question of academic involvement in entertainment (or anything else outside the college for that matter). Many students, and educational observers (Sunday Times) raised the point that many academics appear to neglect their students
5.	We would like Professor McKenzie to deny that he has never, in any small way, brought about the introduction of his colleagues to the media (press, TV, radio).
6.	The professor did launch forth on a .support on the American election system whilst street riots of police and inernal convention bully boys tactics were shown from Chicago.
We unreservedly withdraw as total untruth the fact he emits steam.
Our political editor thinks this may be a subtle move on a " liberal" issue to establish a principle and silence comments that have been disturbing the upper echelons of LSE for some time. This is opportune as the newer members of Union Council are rumoured to be trying to silence Beaver but we hope this is not the case.
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BEAVER
7
YOUR BLOOD FOR VIETNAM


The Barnett Respirator (artificial breathing machine) in use at the Viet Due Civilian Hospital in Hanoi, North Vietnam. It was sent there by the British Medical Aid Committee, along with other much needed medical supplies and medical libraries.
How lo make your money go further
When the problem that you're faced with is the bngness of the time compared with the shortness of the money, likely as not the answer could be a visit to your local branch of Martins.
At Martins we have a way of applying all our experience of managing money to helpyou make the most of yours.
Call in and have a word with the local Martins manager—
guaranteed unstuffy. We don't promise he'll make money for you, butwe'reabsolutely positive he'll see you get the best possible value out of whatever you've got.
Askhimforthe leaflet we've prepared specially for students.
Martins have a branch at
Africa House, Kingsway, London W.C.2.1 el; 01 -40&2206 Ask to see Mr. Ravenshear.
Martins go to extremes to be helpful
MARTINS BANK
A member of the Barclays Group

"The blood of British people will run in the veins of the Vietnamese to help them fight against U.S. aggression", said Mr. Pham Due Than, a Vietnamese journalist now in London, at the blood donor session held at LSE on October 16th. At this session members of about 20 trade unions in the London area gave 81 pints of their blood. This showed valuable support from the rank and file trade unionist. Among the more prominent members who attended the session were Lawrence Daly, of the National Union of Mine Workers, Henry Watson of the Lightermen's Union, Gordon Norris of the National Union of Seamen. Dave Bowman of the National Union of Railwaymen, and Moira Redmund of Actors' Equity. There were also quite a few LSE students who had come in response to the notice posted in the school.
This was the 36th blood donor session organised by the Medical Aid Committee for Vietnam, at which 4,590 pints of blood have been collected. This has been sent in the form of plasma to the Red Cross Societies of North Vietnam and of the National Liberation Front areas of the South. The committee always has an excellent response to its appeals for blood, as so many people with a conscience realise that they can give this vital gift, showing in a most practical way their support and sympathy for the Vietnamese people.
Last Thursday Mr. Than ended his address by saying "I have no words to express all that is in my heart. I can only say "Thank you all very much for your help". I am sure
that sooner or later Nixon must stop the war. If he is wise, it will be soon. In that case he will save the blood of American youth, of the Vietnamese and of you good people who are giving your blood today. I think that the efforts of the Vietnamese j^ople plus the help of people aU round the world, including all you here, will bring victory to our iust struggle. Once more I thank you from all my heart".
The medical Aid Committee for Vietnam is planning another blood donor session for December in the London area. Please watch for notices of this. The Committee is most grateful for this support and hopes that each man and woman who attends a blood donor session, such as this one, will talk about what they have seen and done, and spread the word of the continuing need for money in order that the committee can continue to send medical supplies to those who really need them.
The Committee must emphasise this continuing need for help in the two areas to which it sends aid, in North Vietnam, and particularly in the NLF areas of the South. Here, contrary to the general impression given by the well-publicised Paris talks, the halt to the bombing of the North and the promised troop withdrawals, the massive raids by B-52 bombers have actually increased in number and ferocity. Money is urgently needed to buy medical and surgical equipment, which is promptly despatched, and is always most gratefully acknowledged.
In the words of the Committee's Hon. Secretary, Dr. Joan McMichael, "To work for Medical Aid is not just a salve for conscience^ It is one way of approaching the greatest possible number of people, on humanitarian grounds, and thus arousing their interest in Vietnam. To give aid is to begin to take an interest in the situation in Vietnam and to feel that it is possible to do something to bring to an end the suffering and slaughter. To give aid can also help to lay the foundations of peace and friendship with the Vietnamese people and with people struggling for peace and indepen-ience throughout the world".
Publications obtainable from the Committee at 36 Wellington Street (PO Box 100) London, W.C.2. include:
Medical Aid Bulletin (produced at two-monthly intervals) price 1/-.
"Medicine in Vietnam at War" price 2/-.
"Children of Vietnam" price 3/-.
¦pi
Baby Ngoc Bao, wounded by fragmentation bomb pellets while stiU in his mother's womb. He recovered after birth, but his mother died soon afterwards.
8
BEAVER
REPLY
Dear Sir,
In the last edition you printed a letter from a group of Germans who visited L.S.E. on the 28th July. They (or at least the two signatories 'of this leitter, one of whom was not in England at the 'time, while the other spoke no English —reliable witnesses?) allege that I
(a)	was discourteous
(b)	threatened to have the police throw them out of L.S.E.
(c)	threatened to have them deported
(d)	invited them to have a cup of tea
As far as I remember, 1 am guilty of (d).
On the day In question, the authorities had barred L.S.E. to all non-students in order to prevent a meeting of the School's Action Union being held here. You will remember, of course, that I had given permission for this meeting to take place and had been over-ruled by the School. I therefore had no interest in preventing anyone entering, or forcing anyone to leave the School.
The German group arrived without any warning and were allowed in only after 1 had intervened. I could not have arranged any formal discussions for them with Other students as there were none available at such short notice. I did spend at least an hour discussing student politics informally, with about half the group. The other half seemed uninterested and disappeared upsta'irs. They were later found attempting to 'haul people ^into room S.IOl on the end of a rope, an activity to which I was and remain supremely indifferent. The School authorities, however, took a different view, and the Deputy Secretary, Mr. Collings, did threaten to have the police remove them. No-one to my knowledge mentioned deportation which is not a normal consequence to arrest for trespassing. In the event, nothing happened and the German students left, I thought in order to attend the S.A.U. meeting which had been transferred to an outside hall.
On the matter of discourtesy, it is quite conce*ivable that the Germans did not approve of any wishy washy social democratic views. Never before, however, have I known advocacy of non-violence equated with bad manners.
Yours faithfully,
CHRIS PRYCE
" No discipline is ever going to work unless it has an ELEMENT of consent."
Walter Adams.
Anyone for a discipline committee?
"At this moment deep inquiries are being made concerning the regulations with a view to making some things explicit and eliminating other things which the passage of time has rendered obsolete."
Lord Robbins.
Freedom?
Howling Wolf
DANCE ?
Is it a concert or a dance?
Those who have been startled at our Sa'turday ' dances' by the desire of the mass of the audience to on the floor of the refectory rather than to truck along in time to the mu^ic Will be pleased to hear 'that in future the groups will perform in the Old Theatre.
Those who v/ant to listen will then be 'able to do so in comfoft whilst those wishing to dance can leap around to the sound of a discotheque in the refectory, Where a new enlarged bar will be situated.
The first event With this format will be on Saturday, when the American blues singer Howling Wolf, together with a British group ' Jellybread ' Will be performing. Wolf was very popular when he played here last term.
entertainments committee
JAZZ CLUB
Anyone With 'an interest in modern jazz Should quickly acquaint themselves with a club Which has been recently opened by John Jack and Mike WeStbrook carrying on the tradition of ifhe ' Old Place,' for long the home of Britain's avant-garde.
' The Crucible' is situated off Tottenham Coui^t Road, next to the ' Orange' music shop and 'Beittabooks', and the membership fee for iitud-ents is 10/-. The club is open every Friday from 8 to 12 and Saturday from 9 to 3 (an excellent place to go after seeing Howling Wolf on Saturday).
Excellent Chinese food can be had there for modest prices and all the best musicians play there, and the Mike WeStbrook Band is resident most weekends.
HARD TIMES
The estimated costs spent by the School on prosecuting students at 'private tribunals', Blackburn, Bateson and Harris plus the Bow Street charges are £14,000. This does n6t 'include the money for the injunctions w'hich must be above £5,000.
It must reassure the porters who are pressing for a wage increase, that the School is quite prepared to 'lash out money although the porters have been only offered a paltry pay rise if they accept cuts in their tea breaks, thus ndt really gaining at all.
The fitting of steel fire doors must also 'have taken some cash but Who cares when safety is at stake. So churn out letters from Wally and damn the porters.
Moving on to more pressing matters what 'is 'it 'about LSE governors that causes chaos wherever 'they go? Weinstock nearly had a factory take over on Ms hands, and Robens 'has just qufeted the massive miners strike. Vic Feat'her has been trying to put right What these two have put wrong and now a call for a public inquiry!
The Atheneaum muSt be full of weary sighs at the tin-kerers who can't let well alone. Robbins and Adams turn to Butler arid ask for Tory support now old "weak-kneed" Boyle has been sent off to tend 'a university— that'll soon harden him up again. Rab looks round the expectant faccs of Bowra, Beaumont and every major figure 'in British education, and gives a tired smile. He learnt only too hard its PR that counts not perseverance.
. wa.
JACK DUP°.i£E
The frequent visits Of Jack Dupree to this country are indicative of the success of his particular style of entertaining. Not only is 'he a very fine blues Singer and pianist, but he also has a tremendous personality and wild sense of humour.
Born in New Orleans on 4th July, 1910, it wasn't long before he was to be found listening to the piano players of the cities red light districts; one of these, an obscure musician by the name of " Drive 'em Down " was a great influence on the style Champion Jack developed.
In 1930 he decided to become 'a professional blues singer, 'but during the Depression years, work was 'so hard to find 'that he turned h'is attention to boxJing. For the next eight years 'he earned a living (and a title) in the ring, and it is to his credit that during thait 'time he only lost one fight.
It was 1940 when Champion Jack returned to music, and in that year 'he cut 20 tracks for the famous Okek record company. Since then he has worked for most of the 'big labels; his most recent sides are to be heard on Blue Horizon!
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SIMMONDS
UNIVERSITY
BOOKSELLERS
16 FLEET STREET, LONDON, E.C.4
UNION NEWS
Union Council met on two occasions. The first to work out our representation in the new ULU structure and to devise a system of gratuities for retiring porters. It was fur'ther decided that Student helpers in the Union Shop should be paid in future. The second meeting approved the annual accounts and Budget in preparation for the Annual Budget Meeting of the Union to be held in the Old Theatre on Friday, 31st October at 1 p.m.
Meanwhile work continues in planning the new "Florries" on the first floor of the St. Clement's extension and the extra facilities which will be ours when we acquire room SI 01. The Nursery is also (we hope) in its final planning stage. All of these new facilities should be in use early next year.
There is one warning 'to be 'issued; you are advised to check-up on organisations operating charter flights as advertised on the External Affairs notice-board (does not apply to BUNAC which is wholly reliable). Also please note that British Rail is offering cheap tickets for students travelling to Sheffield, Chesterfield, Leicester and Nottingham. For further information on these please consult the notice-board opposite the Union Shop or call in alt the Union Office.
ROBERT SATCHWELL
MOVEMENT
The Union meeting of last Friday was mainly concerned with an emergency motion demanding the severance of all links between the university and its controUers with Southern Africa, and Sir Douglas Logan's res^nation. The information supplied in the general assembly which preceded the meeting by UC speakers that one of their students may have had a broken bone, we ate happy to report this is not the case although the student was in a very bad way on Tuesday (21st).
The meeting moved Pryce out of the chair and passed the motion overwhelmingly. FoUowing the demonstration on the 27th continuous activity has been proceeding vrith a demonstration of over 100 people through Brixton on the 30th to the prison where the three students are held awaiting trial on the 31st. A picket was held here on the day of trial.
REACTION
Sennet has been threatened about its coverage of the Senate House story from various official quarters but as could be expected Kings News has not fallen into that evil. They carry quotes from their principal of the usual reactionary nature but in addition attack the people who gave out leaflets putting the students case. Students fear disciplining over his issue, but of the now more subtle long term kind.
At Birkbeck the President could be heard moaning about the same leaflets and hoping they would not come into his college again.
The presidents, not Pryce however, met Logan again on the 30th for a cosy chat about how best to stop any real protest against the heart of the university. Wally must have chuckled quietly to himself as he saw Logan squirm for a change.
BEAVER
9
POLICE PR JOB
The Hunt Committee Report on Police in Northern Ireland is, like the Select Committee report, a fascinating guide to how the establishment thinks. It is more careful than the Student report as it is anxious to preserve respect for the police whilst affecting changes that will correct the more glaring anomolies.
Its task in answering the contradictions posed by the revealed role of police as a political instrument does not prevent it from crushing every previous tenet the British state has pumped out.
We learn, that our police are not " wonderful" and " the best in the world " but the product of a situation. Thus the report states " it is a truism that the police forces in any country operate within the context and in the climate of the political conditions of that count^. Their task of enforcing law and order is inevitably affected by social, economic and other circumstances arising out of these general conditions." In short, what every good Marxist has been saying for years.
In changing the R.U.C. the report is not interested in the substance of the faults merely the superficial appearances so important in these P.R. conscious days.
" Our proposals offer a new image of the Royal Ulster Constabulary
This will require the normal operations of the state, " participation " in small doses via selected individuals for the people and more aware advisory panels tuned to PR and the subtle trends of public life.
The police will become " more accountable to the public " [note not totally accountable to the public—that could be dangerous] " and others which should enable it to develop closer relationships with the community."
Who these " others " are is fascinating. Apart from the obvious council representatives (6 people) all the mediators of state policy are here; Universities (2) Irish TUC (2) Chamber of Commerce (2) Home Affairs Ministry (1) and Lawyers (2). Thus the workers of Northern Ireland have 2 'representatives,' the same as the States main aid the universities or the bourgeoisie's own men. And to just make sure the whole is kept in line 4 additional members will be appointed by the Governor of N.l. This band of others will be the police authority for Ulster. (All still subject to the Home Affairs Ministry).
Their recommendations will be further diluted by passing through an advisory body made up of representatives of the force—again presided over by the Minister—with the Authority represented on it.
To keep the public quiet the report recommends that the police " should seek the advice of public relations consultants about the organisation that is required.'-
Nothing is left unturned to create the right image! Certain " activities should be stepped up, particularly the talks on road safety " in schools to get the kids socialised, a process that will be aided by the formation of a cadet corps and " the activities of the cadets themselves should also help."


In case this doesn't work.
" We are convinced that policewomen.... can play, an invaluable part in enhancing the relationship of the force with the public" and so they recommend an increase in the size of the policewomen's section.
As armoured cars are a bit too obvious they are to be scrapped but " Armoured personnel carriers and jeeps should be retained " " until experience shows the extent to which they are likely to be required in future." This is the philosophy of never show your true colours until absolutely necessary.
In this spirit arms are to be kept locked up until necessary.
Also the Reserve Force (the prime anti-riot force and called like the wilder Ulster Special Constabulary 'B Specials' by their victims) is to " be renamed Special Patrol Group, to make it clear that it fulfils a role not at all different from that undertaken by similar bodies found wholly acceptable by the public elsewhere." This would seem to mean that the SPG (that is first remembered turning up on Oct. 27th last year) In this country are our B-Specials for riot control.
These changes are necessary as " nothing less will suffice to make the police acceptable to all but wrongdoers " (a nice vague term) but even " wrongdoers " are to be treated to a PR overhaul." Not for them the English system of prosecution as " the impartiality of the police may be questioned if they are responsible for deciding who shall be prosecuted and thereafter for acting in court as prosecutor." Obviously this could reveal " the relationship between the courts and the police." Thus the " Scottish system of " " public prosecutors should be adopted " — a solicitor paid by the State to prosecute its laws as are the police. He is theirs not the publics man.
To explain away the terrible situation in the Six Counties a grab is made for the discredited theory of an increase in violence in this age—although any student of history can tell you that violence in relation to man's fighting for his social betterment and freedom has remained pretty constant.
With the political groups are linked " violent hooliganism " of mostly youths " who intimidate innocent persons, and fight one another and the police ". As these men realise there is a connection between the two forms but as opposed to their uncritical juxtaposition the truth lies in the fact that one is the unrationalised, inarticulate reaction to the frustrating restrictions of society where as the other is a critical, directed attack on the iniquity of the capitalist state.
Wild statements that are reminiscent of McCarthy flow from the pen of these protests being led by the dark shadowy figures of the left. Can Hunt and Co. only conceive of people as being dummies to be led as their society would have it or have they thought people act and think for themselves, especially when their life is in danger.
Who are these people who wish to destroy society—an impossibility in itself as only societies' structure can be destroyed not society itself—are they financed by Peking? More likely they saw the police help the attacks on the Civil Rights march at Burntollet and attack themselves in Derry and kill a man.
10
BEAVER
THE SENATE HOUSE CONSPIRACY

It is most probable judging from the initial climb down of the University to placate 'moderate opinion due to the unprecedented unrest caused by the incident, that the courts will release the five on bail this Friday—or in some cases even dismiss the charges.
This does not change a thing. Our comrades still spent 8^ days in prison unjustly and are still to be tried unjustly. Any relaxation in practice will have been caused by the furore aroused in every college.
The reasons for the 21st demonstration will remain and the structure that allowed such a response will too.
No 'independent' enquiry will come. It will still be their enquiry. If the UGC are represented one should remember their Deputy Chairman flew with Logan to UCR only last March and the UGC have worked closely with Senate House in many of their proposals.
The DES has passed down the many orders that have pushed up students' fees in halls of residence (Regents Poly), overseas students fees and is part of the govt, structure that has passed the various immigration restrictions (especially Kenyan Asians) on coloured people and has wrongfully imprisoned many of them for long periods whist their cases "are considered", not even the facade of a trial for them. Edward Short made official thinking on student protest clear last year and the government's operation of the Race Relations Act in regard to public speeches has been overtly one-sided.
Five in jail, Saville in hospital. It could have been many more if it had not been for the tenacity of those involved in resisting such a barbaric attack. Only Logan's resignation and the severence of ties with South Africa will come any small way to answering these charges Racism as a product of capitalism must be destroyed, it's diversiveness must not become as religion has in Ulster, an excuse and instrument for the exploiters to stay in power.
The beginning can be made in your University.
LAW AND ORDER
We hope that Mr. Leslie Hipkins 'is not a typiicai example of UL or ULU officials. His hushed up (by Logan) dismissal after money from Sennet was found missing was only revealed in &nnet last week.
Hipkins is one of the righteous Conservative Councillors of Redbridge who have shown so much righteous indignation at illegal' squatting in their borough and employed Quarter-main the bully boy bailiff to chuck them out.
What a coincidence!
The new dimension added to student suppression 'by the affair at Senate House is What should be expected. Arrangements with the police before on campus demonstrations are not new, at LSE last year the same was done but circumstances did not allow the rest of what happened.
The brutal attacking of de-monsitrators by 'administrators' has its precedents and in September Birmingham University were prepared to sitop demonstrators at the Gibb ceremony and were preparing to use force—but not in such a naked form.
The great sensitivity of Logan's minions about racialism is justified; they know their various activities would drive many to desperate measures. The ULU lodgings issue has been just one in the whole involvemerit of London University in racialism but typical.
Logan seems anxious to introduce Sn^ith's techniques to London in 'order to sitifle opposition. Beaver has shown before how Logan agrees with these methods by his involvement 'in the'ir implementation. He has stated how he has considered a riot force of about 500 men for London and how sit-ins cannot be regarded as legitimate' protest.
In this he concurs with Lord Robbins (see centre pages) and our Wally is an old friend and supporter of Logan's views. Indeed it is known in academic circles that Logan was urging Adams to a strong line over the recent LSE troubles and was originally going to sit on the tribunal to review Blackburn's case.
He has the approval of the great UL and ULU bureaucracy, even the ULU President, Dare, wrote to him hoping he would remain un-affect^ by this demon^ra-tion. Suddenly Dare is rushing to control the demonstrations against Logan.
Why?
Dare has aided Logan on the various committees they both sit on and has donte nothing about Logan's arrogant dismlissal of Steve How-erd on the Student Accommodation Committee.
The events at Senate House on October 21st were some of the most incredible ever seen in a British Universfity with open provocation by university "administrators" lal by Dr. Leslie Pownall.
No more than 50 students went from ULU to Senate House picking up some suppon on the way. On entering the large lobby the demonstrators could see about 30 suited gentlemen standing behind the doors into the Library and offices section. They walked towards this barrier to where Dr. Pownall and two other men stood. They allowed a girl to enter on production of a library card. The demons'trators were asked what do you want—to Which they replied "Logan" (the Principal of the University).
Dr. POwnall, amidst pointed references to Dr. Hoch, asked for library cards—whidi were produced. To this Pownall said he had no interes't. He asked who the demonstrators were—they replying "who are you?"
This exchange lasted a little longer when a coloured student asked for admittance— which Pownall was prepared to giv©. The demonstrators intended to follow but as they moved a fraction forward Pownall fell back, arms up, pretending to fall and hey presto up popped a photographer. Pownall then grabbed a demonstrator from behind, around the throat and dragged him backwards through the door with the attacked being punched and pulled by the other 'administrators'.
The demonsitrators tried to prevent this outrage and a melee followed *in 'the doorway in the course of which—to administrators cries of "Break their fingers. Break h'is leg. Get Hoch. Hit him not him"—four more students were pulled 'through the door—^to be ; upon by the attacker. Two had their glasses smash^. A girl was flung by her hair onto the floor. Richard Saville of University College was nearly throttled and was later admitted to hospital.
The anger of demonstrators, and by-standers, was 'incensed 'by observing 'the beating up of their comrades as the photographer clicked away behind the glass.
The police and fire brigade M'rived—the police with as many officers as ordinary ranks —'and the demonstrators fell back.
Behind the doors four students demanded that Pownall be arreted for assault but instead the police asked Pownall who he vranted arrested and he indica.ted Hoch and Gillespie (ex-President of SOAS).
The dther three were asked for their names, Saville being left alone nearly unconscious, and the two who did were released. Brayshaw asked if that was voluritaiy 'informatioa Yes was the reply. Okay then Brayshaw declined. He was arretted (and 'later charged with assault).
The three arrested were led away. 20-30 minutes later, with many people trying to find out what had happened or expressing 'diCir disgusT with the 'administrators' attack, two SOAS students were arrested (the official s had come out wildly pointing to the police).
After four hours with no 'information, refused by the police, as police had consultations with university officials on what to do, we were informed they would appear in court nex't morning—no charges were admitted.
At court (solicitors for the defence failed to appear) the five were brought before a magistrate. No charges were read out. No pleas called for. Police superintendent opposed bail, claiming he wished to bring further charges, and that the defendants had made statements to him declaring their intention to damage and disrupt the university.
Apart from the fact that this 'is a very u nlikely statement for them to make, how Gillespie could have made it—^without ever seeing the superintendent before, is a little obscure.
They were all remanded for a week. No bail on any count.
TRIAL
DEMONSTRATION
AT
COURT TODAY
10.00
BRUTALITY
BUREAUCRACY
BOOKS
Two books on sale now are excellent for understanding existing problems. The Schoenbach and Hoch book (published by Sheed and Ward) LSE: The natives are restless, gives an excellent blow by blow account of what happened last year. We understand drastic cuts had to be made and this probably explains the lack of explanation of why certain decisions in the student quarter were made. Nonetheless it is a necessary tool for seeing what went on last year as opposed to what the media thought or the administration put out.
Also out is 'Burntollet' describing the first bloody clashes in Ulster over Civil Rights and why the people opposed the RUC and government. In vivid, soberly documented account police abetted attacks by Bunting's men are shown ending with the riots of the pohce in Derry itself. One poignant picture sums it all up—steel hehneted RUC attacking a supermarket.
When students are arrested, some beaten up, injured, others put in prison and remand homes, it's the revulsion you feel for the way they have been treated which makes you want to act: it's the prime mover in protest, petition, demonstration or counter-violencc. But often the initial emotional thrust gets pushed on one side—-you must be analytical about it, and so you apply your resentment to a tried area of protest—in this case, you focus on the initial protest against the University's still oustanding links with the Rhodesian administration, in 'itself a 'legitimate source of anger and eneTgy for protest and change. But 'if you feel uneasy, and this stops your effective action, it is because the immediate source of resentment has not been analysed. You must see that it is a problem of violence.
Last year, there was endless discussion and criticism of our ' violence to property': now you are faced with the effects of protection of property. The facts are the arrests, assauhs on and injuries to students. People within an established bureaucracy feel like peas in a pod : they suspect that if you dit it open their futures are threatened. The conserva tive fear of protest and change can be dramatic and violent.
This applies to a policeman, an academic or a porter, if he believes that his life and status depend on supporting an organization which pays him his bread and butter and gives him a role in life, however limiting it may be—his violence comes because he has come to believe that he cannot survive outside the walls of the bureaucratic pyramid: and from the frustrating and correct suspicion that they have injured him for life, because he has accepted them. Violence will be their answer, wherever bureaucratic institutions and their methods are called into question. Your anger is justified!
Published by London School of Economics Students Union. Printed by F. Bailey & Son Ltd., Dursley, Olos.