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London School of Economics Students' Union Newspaper
No. 94
Third of Autumn Term
2
FOR SHAME
The story of the attempts by t\e School Authorities to obtain grounds on which they could dismiss the lecturer Mr. Laurence Harris is long and tortuous. The bare outline is this.
On 10 January, 1969, Mr. Harris was persuaded to take over the chair at a meeting, on Rhodesia, which the Director had just addressed in the Old Theatre. By all accounts the meeting was in a state of chaos which Mr. Harris quickly transformed into order. Certain resolutions were put. On 24 January, the gates came down. On 29 January Mr. Harris was charged by the School authorities with four offences.
These were :
(1)	Applauding the speech of a student who advocated
the removal of the gates;
(2)	being present when students smashed gates and taking no steps to discourage them;
(3)	allowing the resolutions to be put on 10 January, without protest;
(4)	subsequently making or supporting proposals to enter
the School, when closed, and to set up a tribunal to to try certain members of staff.
On 5 February, a second set of charges was brought against Mr. Harris, dropping one of the earlier charges, adding another, revising others. On 11 March, two criminal charges of wilful damage to the gates were laid against Mr. Harris. These were heard by a magistrate at Bow Street on 28 April and 1 May. At the end of the case for the prosecution and without calling on the defence, the magistrate dismissed the charges.
At the beginning of June and again at the beginning of July, the solicitor for Mr. Harris attended preliminary hearings of the internal charges. On 25 and 26 September the hearings of the internal charges eventually look place. By this time the School authorities had abandoned, or the internal tribunal had ruled out, all the charges except one relating to Mr. Harris taking the chair at the meeting on 10 January. On this remaining charge, Mr. Harris was acquitted.
Look at those dates. The trial took place eight and a half months after the alleged offence, and the chairman of the internal tribunal went out of his way to emphasise that this delay was in no way whatsoever the fault of Mr. Harris or his lawyers. For eight months (from 29 January to 25 September) charges were thrown at Mr. Harris, inside and outside the School, all of which had, in the end, to be abandoned or were dismissed. (Even the final charge was found on 26 September to contain serious factual mis-state-ments and had to be amended.
The School authorities have been accusing Mr. Harris of numerous offences which proved unsupportable. By these allegations his character has been defamed. In addition, statements made by one witness in the hearing of 25 September were defamatory. The financial costs to Mr. Harris in his attempts to defend himself over this long period have been considerable.
In my view the School authorities should not only pay Mr. Harris's costs in full but should make a public apology and a voluntary payment as some (inadequate) compensation for the damage they have done him.
Professor J. A. G. Grillith.
ME NO TEliy
Which enterprising person nicked the television from SI00? This fount of pleasure was removed two weeks ago from its new home on the first floor. Few people seemed to visit the T.V. room in its new place, either from not knowing its fresh location or from being put off by the flight of stairs. Many people have asked who authorised the changed position and no information is to hand as to who did.
The corridors no longer ring to the happy laughter of students as the news finishes, or at the fierce passions aroused by Spurs versus Arsenal..
Was the removel an act against the media, the controllers of consciousness or a more sinister plot to prevent us viewing our academics and administrators entertaining the nation?
We suggest the setting up up of a Security Committee with full powers to lynch or murder supervised by Adrian Day and Professor Cohen to patrol the School and " deal with anybody they " have good reason to believe is likely to think in a manner which could be construed by any administrator to be detrimental to the well being of the Financial Times ". Moreover passes should be issued to all students, failure to produce which should be punishable by an independent inquiry.
BEAVER__________ _______
"The Vice-Chancellor today is only too well aware that university authority^ I do not think I am giving away any valuable secrets here, is vulnerable and delicate, and depends on consensus - or if you like, bluff."
Earl of Longford (Lords, 19.6.69)
ASTMS ACTION
.A.t its Branch Meeting on Nov. 13th, ASTMS (LSE) passed resolutions for the ASTMS Annual Delegate Conference of 1970, urging the following (not listed in order of priority).
(1)	Support for action against the South African Cricket
Team, and all sporting contacts with that country;
(2)	Repeal of the Industrial Training Act, and substitut-
ing a policy more in the interests of employees than employers;
(3)	Setting up an ASTMS working party on education
policy, with a view to influencing the proposed new Education Act in a radical direction;
(4)	Ending the agreement between the TUC and the Govermcnt on strikes (agreed this summer) and opposing the Prices and Incomes Policy.
The Branch also passed a resolution expressing concern at recent events involving administrators and students outside Senate House, and called for a public enquiry consisting of University staff and students.
It is also continuing its campaign for the School to reimburse Laurence Harris' legal expenses, and is still pursuing R(ibin Blackburn's case along similar lines.
HEALTH WEEK
The Welfare Dept. have organised a health week. On Thursday 27th in the gym you can give a pint of blood for someone who really needs it. It only takes a few minutes. Just sign the list in the main entrance (or if you can't manage Thursday contact your local hospital). As many donors as possible are needed so please come.
MASS X-RAY has been arranged for Tuesday afternoon, all day Wednesday and we hope Friday as well. The unit will be at the School and so take advantage of this chance to detect early signs of trouble.
SOCIOLOGY MORRIS DANCE
After a series of pseudo meetings called with the blessing of the staff, there was a ' mass meeting ' in place of the lecture which was a classic exercise, in manipulation. The traditional staff attitude of the natives was shown by the position they took in the room—in the absence of bamboo sticks they form their own Kraal ! And to pacify the students further ample supplies of paper was circulated—no doubt to satisfy those who the convenor considers to have an anal fixation. The lack of sustained critical comment was a function of the biased handling of the meeting, and the presence of the majority of lecturers in the department.
Actually before the convenor arrived, a lecturer attempted to move a vote for student representatives—without any discussion. This was prevented by many objections despite the convenor on arrival repeating the performance. After disjointed comments by a few students (sonic questions the convenor either refused to reply to or made some dogmatic statements as to the impossibility of alternatives) the convenor gave a typically professorial summary which recognised views which had not been presented, and ignored comments from the floor. At the end of the meeting the convenor again tried to move a vote on the staff' student commitlec (earlier a lecturer had given a false view of such committees ignoring (a) the total boycott in some departments; (b) the deep dissatisfaction in the second and third year in sociology) which was defeated from objections from the floor and the spontaneous walkout of the students.
The struggle continues against ; .Arbitrary Authority, Bourgeois fdeology; Psuedo Sociology.
MERCANTALISM
One book that deserves unreserved recommendation is "Revisions Jn Mercantalism" an Oxford University Paperback at 15s. The editor D, Coleman exactly delineates this bourgeois concept in its context of economic thought and the essays go on to place the arguments for it starting with one of the traditional thesis by Hecksher with amendments by Judges and Viner — then Coleman's own critique of the Hecksher approach. It ends with examinations of the theory in practice (Bog on Germany, Wolfe on France).
Coleman's introduction is an honest appraisal of the theory from the academic's point of view.
URBANISM
Also worth reading is the latest edition of the Journal of Contemporary History which devotes it.self to Urbanism — the City in History (15s.).
A varied cast of academics consider different aspects of the subject but of particular interest for those of us tiring of the usual diet is an examination of the Danube Re.eioii at the break up of the Hapsburg Empire by I. T. Berends and G. Ranki (Berends is Prof, of Economic History at Karl Marx University in Budapest). Others are from Poland. America and Britain.
LEARN THE PUGILISTS ART
ex Black Shirts and NF
welcome.
Apply in writing to the Clerk of the Senate.
Witnesses supplied. Impeccable references. Guaranteed support for your case.
Service for administrators only.
Apply Senate House or New Scotland Yard.
Anti-Freedom Rally Bracken House E.C.l. Wed., 20th November Speakers: Lord Robhins, Lord Goodman, Sir Douglas Logan.
SATISFACTION IS . . .
trousers made to fit. Find satisfaction at Dean Rogers, 6 Thayer St., London W.l.
BEAVER
3
k^EAT OF LEARNING
Ur. Morris is one of our learned academics. His evidence to the Select Committee centred on one point.
"I do not believe that the people who are writing obseni-ties around the place are representative; they are probably people who do not write obscenities in the NORMAL (our emphasis) places."
Chairman: "May I just interrupt to say that they are repented in very respectable clubs."
Morris: "Yes, this is the point. You see, we all know that there are dirty jokes and that people write anal remarks on the walls of places, but by some kind of traditional institutionalised method, if you want to make an anal remark about Lord Robbins, you write it on the wall of the lavatory. When you have so broken the instituticmal rules that you actually write it on the wall of Clare Market, then something has happened which makes you do something which is really quite extra-ordinary."
What it is to be socialised.
° ACADEMIC NEWS
To maintain Ihc necessary links of academy and state we are iiappy to report the appointmcnl of Professor B. Abel-Smilh, the Professor of Social Administration to the post of Senior Adviser to the Lord President of the Council.
This link will be stronger than most as Abel-Smith will only spend two days on this onerous task being able to continue to indoc .... sorry, teach students.
One of the leading Fascists of last year Dr. Denetoglan is off to the sunny land of Ronald Reagan, California, to pick up tips at the University of California in the Lent and Summer Terms.
We can't really complain one of our academic visitors will be Dr. Barbara Tricole of the Museum Fiir Volker-kunde, Leipzig, who will if nothing else supply an original viewpoint in this institution. But perhaps that's the idea.
revolution
has a beginning a nriiddle
and an end
But not
necessarily in that
order
(courtesy of Godard)
CULTURAL AID?
The recent revelations about the University of London and its connections with Southern Africa are hardly surprising. In a thousands different ways London, as well as other Universities, aid and abet the racilaist regimes that continue to crush the Africans and other coloured races beneath them.
This can by way of governors' investments or even university investments, but this economic underpinning needs also the cultural aid that enables the power-elite to claim cultural superiority and monopoly. The main perpetrators of this are the universities but the sporting ties must not be forgotten particularly as the Springbok rugby team is now amongst us.
The university link needs the bolstering of 'liberal' western cultural dominance with its suppcised respectability. South Africa obtains this seal of distinction by bribing academics to visit their universities or by a method which is up for auction again this term.
This is the Soutfi African University Interchange Scheme 1968-69. University Teachers or Officers on recognised study leave are offered travel grants as are Postgraduate Research Workers. This oifer is at present doing the rounds of our staff.
NATO—Bulwark of Capitalist 'Democracy'
Our rulers however do not ignore the needs of their own restricted power. For this there are NATO Fellowships offered to scholars to research direct interest questions on NATO or to the Atlantic Community as a whole. These projects are historical, political, economic and social fields. Fellows receive 23,000 Belgian Francs per month plus travel costs.
One can look at dcmonsnations three ways:
1.	You can demonstrate and accept the limitations they place on you to ensure your protest does not threaten their control. If it does, or you cross their legality (i.e. exercise your right to march when it is banned or choose your own route, or actually effect the stopping of part of their system hy, say, sit down) you will he beaten from the streets, e.g. Civil Rights in the Si.v Counties or anti-apartheid here.
2.	You can claim that you have the right to force certain obno.xious .lymhols from public e.xisteiice. stating they are against humanity and obviously evil and hate-provoking {e.g. South Vietnamese Embassy, N.P.D., Enoch or the Ulster Office). You will be smashed from the street as you challenge the "rules" of protest and became more than just another opinion amongst many and a vindication of the e.xisting order as they allow your little voice, what good fellows they must be.
3.	You can see that they maintain their power and political control by snuishing anything that fundamentally affects it from e.xistence and you have a right to e.xercise your freedom hy making it effective a:;d a danger to their system. You see that the "legally" of their own making does no more to validate their political views than the illegality of yours.
The they referred to throughout is intended to be recognised as States living or dead.
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4
BEAVER
JAZZ SCENE by Steve Crocker
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te > s>



As the farce of Council elections comes around
again we give you this thought.....if we really
wanted to screw the system all we need is everyone to stand as President when the time comes. Imagine the effect of having 50, 100, or even 2000 presidential candidates. Every student is qualified to stand as President, every student is capable of doing the job .... so why do we need a President at all. We are all Presidents!
used textbooks bought for the highest prices
Second-hand (marvellous range) and Stationery (everything for the student)
Department, The Economists' Bookshop,
King's Chambers, Portugal Street,
London WC 2.
For a quotation ask to see Brian Simmons
¦f

BRAND X REPLIES
soon to appear is the reply of the revolutionary Brand X group to the Menshevik and factually incorrect articles published by the ' Marxist' group (which was so well received by the Evening Standard).
The left will soon reply Beware

The economic.s of running a jazz club are such that it is usually didicuit to put on any good jazz without facing financial ruin. Many groups: the Brubecks, Pentangles and Colosseums of this world can draw wide audiences, but it is difficult to find appreciation for many creative groups. That's why we think we had one of the jazz concerts of the year at L.S.E. (Thursday, 13th November)—with two of the most talented groups in Britain playing on the same bill. The work of the Alan Skidmore group has won much acclaim and recently an honoured place on the same set as Cccil Taylor, at Jazz Expo 69. The Mike Pyne Octet is a relatively new outfit, but with musicians such as Ray War-leigh, Kenny Wheeler, Art Theman and Ron Matthewson it can hardly fail to impress. Both groups work within a modern framework but have the ability to communicate both with a jazz and non-jazz audience. It was a concert well worth seeing.
Blues fans will be interested to note the dates of our second blues concerts this term. Champion Jack Dupree played the re-arranged date on November 12th (Wednesday) in the Old Theatre. On the 27th of November (Thursday) we will have an appearance by Weldon 'Juke Boy' Bonner (pictured). He is an original bluesman with an unusual gift for composing lyrics and verses (note his recent rec^ordings for Chris Strachwitz and also his Story-ville Album 'Louisiana blues' — M.616.005). There are strong elements of Jimmy Reed and also 'down home Louisiana ' in his .style. It should be an interesting concert.
Finally, on the 20th November we hope to have the film 'Jazz on a Summers Day'—made at the Newport Jazz Festival 1959. If nothing else, just come to hear avant-garde trombonist Rosewell R^idd laying down the roots with a southern trad band—it can't be bad!
s s
Scientology Splits
Last June, the Scientology Organization wrote to the Secretary of the L.S.E. Anthropology Society and offered to send a lecturer along to give a talk. The Secretary r e 1 i s h e d the thought of an evening filled with Scientology like a soap-fillcd sandwich, but she put it to the vote at a Society meeting, and they sent out an invitation. On October 13th, the Scientologists' Public Activities Secretary wrote accepting to come on November 4th, as suggested, without naming a speaker. He asked how big the audience would be, and whether the lecture would be formal or not. and added coyly: ' We can promise you a very interesting evening.'
Empty promises. The L.S.E. anthropologists wrote off. computer-quick with the required information, fixed the details, and asked for the name of the speaker, adding that since they were anthropologists, it would be nice if he came prepared to answer questions on the structure and development of the Organization. Came the appointed Tuesday, and they waited in their Study Room, shiny as buttons, notebooks drawn, sharpening their pencils and their claws—suddenly a 'phone call: the unspecified, mythical speaker couldn't make it ... . Some went off to eat Shepherd's Pie instead, but some stayed to chew over hypotheses: could it be that the monstrous giant of Scientology, astride the Atlantic pond like a huge, ideological toad, had got cold feet?
INSTABILITY
The fatherly figure of i Stanley Baldwin has been ; the image at which mys- ; tified parliamentarians i have thrown the mud of ; responsibility for the rise ; of Fascism. Indeed he was ; at the peak of his career i between the crushing of ; the German revolution j and the march of the ; Keich.
Baldwin was a primary i figure in the crushing of ; the British working class : and then a believer in co- ; existence with fascism, un- i like Chamberlain who to- : tally misunderstood nearly i everything and was really i horrified at the prospect i of war.
What is obviously inten- i ded to be the 'authorata- i tive' examination of the i man for the historian and i political scientist "Bald- i w'in " by Keith Middlemas ¦ and John Barnes (Weiden- i feld & Nicolson 105s.) un- i fortunately seems to fall : short of the standards : those self-same experts require. Or so the reviews ; have indicated. It is a pity : as this massive work (1091 pages of text, 12 of appendices and 46 of indices and references) has taken a great deal of work and wades through, year by year, almost day by day, Baldwin's life and influences.
Safety first (for capital) ossified the thought of Baldwin's various administrations. Stanley himself, modern enough to be sensitive to the new forces in Britain (admass, TV), was I quite at ease with the so-i cial dems (labour) under-: standing their true func-: tion which had been re-; vealcd in 1926.
This biography is an at-: tempt at vindication by i showing Baldwin's respon-: ses were the best in each : situatiton; but only suc-: ceeds in showing that he, : like the whole political : system, were the prisoners : of events forwarded by the own irrational philosophies.
REVOLUTION
The hope of world revolution was enshrined in the German working class according to Lenin. The perpetual hovering between February and October dismayed him. i
The German working class ' leaders' saw Russia as the saviour of their revolution and awaited its aid.	i
This is the scene presented by Richard M. Watts ' The Kings Depart—the tragedy of Germany; Versailles and the German Revolution' (Weidenfeld & Nicolson 50s.). The area this covers has been neglected by English speaking his-; torians and thus an American manager/historian attempts to fill the gap. We are led from the defeat of the German armies in the west until Ebert's victory in 1922.
As a narrative from which to proceed to a critical understanding it is good. It steers a course through the chaotic seas of diplomacy, revolution and reactionary terror with great skill. Watt looks on all from a ' liberal academic' position having bourgeois objections to the revolutionaries, great distaste for the practice of his political choice the Social Democrats and emotional horror for the right.
He deals competently with the diplomatic tangles of Versailles and the main factors controlling the policy of the avaricious capitalist powers. Woodrow Wilson is neatly sketched, showing the fundamental contradictions between his advocacy and practice plus the faults engendered by his academic past. Unfortunately all the other potted portraits are misleading and untrue.
In the wider fields of social revolution Watt becomes out of his depth. The social-economic context of the postwar scene is almost completely ignored and this either results in, or results from, his complete ignorance and misunderstanding of the philosophies and political differences of the various left groups. Even this cannot disguise the fact that the Social Democrats betrayed the left in Germany — from the first days of war when it failed to implement the Second International agreement to strike on the declaration an example copied by every other Social Dem group in Europe). Thus millions of socialists allowed themselves to be mown down in a capitalists' war.
Walt has consulted a wide range of references, in fact, his bibliography is one of the best for this pericxl. Nowhere better does he show his range than in his tracing of the growth of the terror machine of the right — the Freikorps. Many myths are shattered on their origins but also it is shown that the newly trained more self-sufficient soldier is a greater danger than the no-status cannon fodder. Again the true nature of the Serial Dems is revealed for it is one of their leaders who conducts the campaigns of these heartless butchers against the tragically disunited uprisings. This man. No.ske takes it upon himself to assume the role of saviour of traditional Germany. The rootless plunderers, manipulated by the old ruling clique, smash into the people whether it be in the strength of Berlin or the calm of the bourgeois libertarian and workers movement in Munich. The dead number thousands. Noske and his colleagues show their real fear of the workers they claim to represent and their reliance on the forces of reaction to keep the reins of power
The left is disunited by the dogmatism of some of its members, restrained at the wrong moments and urged forward at the wrong moments by its leaders who also seem to ultimately fear the revolution unless they them.selves are assured of places of power, and finally is too parochial in its outlook.
All the while the Allies are unconcerned as they carve up Europe supporting rigid nationalist regimes, promoting White reaction in Russia, assuring capitalists everywhere that red revolution will be stopped and trying to reap the spoils of war under Wilson's .schoolmasters eye. They are briefly worried by Kun in Hungary but overall it is business as usual and eventually German capital to be bol.stered to allow it to finance the right.
WAR
The Second War is now safe ground for the one time aids of Fascism and present day defenders of capitalism. Chamberlain can be lampooned as a poor fool betraying his " nation's interests,' France in the grips of a spiritual crises and Germany in the hands of fanatical little upstarts. ' On Borrowed Time ' (Weidenfeld and Nicolson 63s.), Leonard Mosley's book, re-affirms all this with extensive research and no analysis. Mosley is a journalist and his writing is in predictable style mainly narrative, full of implied assumptions
Speers and Krupps stay out of view and the reader is faced with a ' reality' from which everything flows.
Hitler rants and raves as he outmanoeuvres the whole of tlie west, all his achievements are presented as manipulative. Nowhere are there .social forces in operation.
I
BEAVER
5
NK) TIME TO TALK
Prata! Prata!" shouts a thin-faccd man, and under his whiskery chin, the subtitle asks; "Talk! Talk!—For how long?" Faces point fiercely at each other, a stone tumbles in a nervous hand, and snapped questions not waiting for an answer turn the dialogue into bewildering fragments of sound. How long can hungry strikers go on talking? Flow long can they wait while other people talk for them? At what point can they justify attacking 'scabs' and enforcing their withdrawal of labour with violence? These questions jump to life in Bo Wider-berg's 'Adalen "31 In the scene described above, the men have come to the house of a fellow-striker, smashed his windows and burst in. hunting for a scab. The .scab had been loading one of the strike-bound boats with a cargo of pulp bound for Boston; from the strikers' point of view, he V)'as prolonging their hunaer. Every hour of his work was another nail in the coflin of their negotiating power.
Widerberg makes bold, even crudc statements about their privations. There is a scene in which a hungry family eagerly share a fish caught by the father: it's the only bread he can bring home: .switch—to the well-covered table of the boss and his family. In another scene, a striker and his wife stop making love for fear of starting another baby, which they could not afford. Meanwhile, it is implied that the boss's daughter has an abortion in Stockholm, when she conceives inappropriately. Short rations of food and .sex—but plenty of resilience and ingenuity are suggested: scenes of a jazz-group of home-made instruments supplemented by a gramophone, flying-machines, and even one boy's attempts at seducing girls by a manual on hypnotism. The inadequacy of wages is behind a dilemma which the film focu.ses on extensively: it is the question of allegiances. A theme, almost worn thin by the number of times Jean-Paul Sartre has woven it into the fabric of his plays and books, it concerns the predicament of a man whose roles are conflicting. The striker is worker, father, husband and last, but importantly, man. He must evaluate his actions in terms of his responsibilities in all the.se relationships. Any of them may call upon him at one time, and he may have to define himself in his action as more worker than father, or more human being than simply worker, according to his conscience.
The scab who, in 'Adalen '31 ' carries on working so that he can buy medicine for his sick wife, has defined him.self more as husband than worker—he has assessed the oppoition facing each of his groups (the boss's power versus his work-mates; sickness versus his family) and the resources of each (group solidarity and withdrawal of labour for the strikers, and his earning power for his wife). He decides to risk the effect he will have on the welfare of the workers, in favour of the certainty of his contribution to his wife's immediate health; she needs him more than they do. They both need the solidarity of their class to improve their own situation, which is bound up with it, but this consciousness of a social solution is obliterated by their immediate individual fight for survival. The scab cannot make a leap of faith in himself as an important contributor to the struggle to change conditions, even though they aggravate his wife's suffering. Fie behaves as though, in an extra-familial context, he doesn't matter. But events, escalating from the attack on the scabs to the coming of the militia and the final protest, which shakes the Government of Sweden, show that he does.
Widerberg covers a great many more themes than these, which centre on the individual's involvement in a struggle, and the need for direct action. The most significant words, perhaps, is implied in the final titles. The ytell us that as a result of the Adalen action in which five people were killed, the Conservative Government fell and was replaced by the Social Democrats, who have been there ever since — and there is still inequality. The question of Union activity or the uses of direct action are still with us— but in whichever form, the struggle must continue.
J.G.S.
IRELAND
The Irish stru^gjle continues.
The attempts to mollify the people cannot succeed.
The contradictions are too grreat.
O
British capitalism is in danger.
O
U.S. MOBILISATION
The U.S. government was faced with much the same problem over the Vietnam mobilisation as police at Swansea, except it was a more pressing and obviously political event. Again the ground had been prepared after the shock the impact of October's demonstration had caused. Patriotism was plugged and Nixon staked a lot on arousing the ' silent majority', however if they exist they remained largely silent. This called for a new offensive by Spiro T. Agnew, throwing insinuations against the protestors' manhood, bravery and patriotism, or more explicitly their communist ideals (like peace, etc.). It is amusing to note that America's right think one does not have to be brave to protest in the great democracy and sad to see the re-ap|:^arance of the anti-communist smear, which is being re-used in Britain, too. It is not surprising however, when one realises that Nixon has the technique as the aide to Joe McCarthy.
When it became obvious that smears were not working out came that trusty annual — the 'extremists' plans. Marches were banned and re-routed to dissuade 'liberals' from opposing the law (in order) and to force marches into illegality. Then there appeared the leak that certain 'extremists' were planning violence. The Washington march was banned and only allowed when it was guaranteed impotent by supervision by stewards from the march.
On the Friday evening a march, after a 'Death Vigil', approached the Justice Building to point out that the government had only given way to this march as they couldn't afford another Chicago and that the farce of the 'Chicago Conspiracy' trial was continuing. Flere they found armed troops and were moved on by the police. One group tried to approach the South Vietnamese Embassy. The march included 70 year old veterans, housewives, young mothers (Daily Express) but police cordons were everywhere. Dr. Spock led one .section forward to occupy the Justice Building in peaceful protest. One small group went up a side street to be charged by police and the crowd was forced forward with agents within the crowd starting fights, against the cordons.
The police then launched a tear gas and baton attack with reinforcements pouring in behind the 2,500 or so protestors. The march fell back resisting the baton charges. Police cars drove into groups trying to escape and pistols were drawn.
Next day the great march moved off and peaceably wound its way around the capital and Capitdl. No clashes came as there were no police and the protest was run on lines dear to every government's heart, endangering nothing more transient than public opinion without public power. At the White FJouse, every entrance road barricaded by buses, a group was dissuaded from going towards it by the stewards.
That night a bigger group (about 5,000), many incensed by the previous night's attack, decided to exercise their right of protest and return to the Justice Building. This time there were more police and wheri the Stars and Stripes was run down and the N.L.F. flag raised the police attacked and the crowd outwitted them, launching assaults of stones and bottles at the synrbol of the evil in Vietnam, the South Vietnamese Embassy and the Justice Building. Again tear gas and batons smashed the outnumbered crowd from the streets.
r

1
SATURDAY 29th NOVEMBER
SAVOY RROWN
WHITE TRASH S
LSE Old Theatre
Discotheque and Bar in Refectory
L
Admi.ssion 10 shillings
Saturday saw the first appearance at LSE of one of the masters of the blues guitar Freddie King. Unlike his two 'brothers' BB King and Albert King however, Freddie is better known for his instrumentals rather than his songs, the most famous being " Flideaway " which must by now have been played by every blues guitarist in the country. Those of you who saw Freddie in person will not be surprised to find that he actually ENJOYS playing the Blues, unlike some of his moody white counterparts, and usually succeeds in making the audience enjoy themselves with him.
Also appearing was the very proficient British singer/guitarist John Martyn, better known to folk club audiences, but deserving wider exposure, and one of the more amusing British blues bands, Sam Apple Pie. The phantasmagorical lights which set everyones chickens free with Flowling Wolf attempted to repeat the treatment and Andy Dunkley provided music to drink beer by in the refectory.
6
BEAVER
ACROSS THE
For more than six months one of London's most stimulating exhibitions for years has been running, and attracting far too little attention. at the Queenls Gallery. Buckingham Palace. For 1/6 students can get in past the technicolour flunkeys who run the gallery and see displayed literally hundreds of drawings by Leonardo da Vinci. Leonardo's versatility is a commonplace. But it is still a moving experience to stand before these works and see at lir.st hand the diversity of his interests and his ability to express his investigations in visual terms. The exhibition shows too an unsurpassed mastery of many artistic techniques.
Maps, figures, anatomical studies, engineering studies, allegories, myths are all illu.strated with a casual mastery. His range extends from plans for diverting the river Arno to dissections of lip muscles — from rearing horses to the heads of grotesque old men.
In one series of drawings Leonardo's powers as a draughtsman are expressed with particular intensity. These are the ones where he portrays chaos. Jn these mysterious apoclyptic works, full of obscurity and pre-.sence, we see insights or dreams or prophecies (perhaps all three) of existence being overwhelmed by the elements.
The world or the universe is being inundated. Rocks are smashing themselves apart, trees are being torn and snapped off by the wind, men and horses are being thrown about like twigs in the sea. whole cities are crashing down.
Sometimes the style of these drawings is naturalistic; sometimes the presentation is more abstract and Leonardo is anticipating some of the preoccupations of twentieth century Abstract Expre.ssionism. Primeval energies sweep in onto our reality or break out from inside it: everything is reconstituted as chaos.
Fhere are about a dozen drawings in this particular series, but, after having seen them, their characteristics become apparent in many


WHIIRLFOOL
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more of Leonardo's works on view. The same dynamic tidal forces, sometimes in a more subtle or suppres.sed form, can be seen in his studies of moving water, in the pullulations of plants, in hair, and in the folds of dre.sses and drapes.
Indeed, much of the force of Leonardo'.s work comes, not from the range of his researches (many of which he left incomplete), but in this implied ability to create ambiguity in his subjects. In the swirlings of the deluge can also be seen motions which are highly sensual.
Leonardo illuminates links which exist between the sen-' sual and the elemental forces of nature. Through a' girl's hair flows the chaos of eroticism: in the great flood is the eroticism nf chaos.
These great drawings, a million miles from the banalities of BBC Weather Forecasts, suggest the possibilities of a new poetic order that each and every person could experience for himself in his own way.
Political freedom is only one fragment in the liberation of our sensibilities. Abstract art. retreating towards museums, is tending to become decorative and focuses too often on its inactive elements; surrealism has acquired academic cliches. But work like Leonardo's descriptions of chaos link the' individual to the passionate energy that lies everywhere.
The potency implicit in this approach has been mostly ignored by artists in the persuit of plasticity for its own sake. Marxist totalities, or kitsch. Only a few artists, such as Paul Klee, Matta, Wols. Jackson Pollock and Hans Belhner, have begun to develop a new focus for surrealism which searches for and ex-pres-ses the passionate and human forces which flow between our minds and nature.
The work of these few artists, like the chaos drawings of Leonardo, could lead us on from futile searches for perfect theories and the whole 'crisis within motlern-ism' to a far more human and lively attitude to reality.
PETER INCH
BEAVER
7
raw BRECHT
"THF. MOTHER" by Bcrtolt Brccht (translated by Lee Baxandall) is now on at the Unity Thertrc in association with the London Co-operative Education Committee until mid-Dcccmber. This London Premiere is directed by Tony Leah (recently with the Royal Shakespeare Company). The Brcchtian songs as integral to the development of the action as the classic chorus, are newly re-written from the original German by William and Jane Merrow to complement the music of Hanns Eisler.
In Brecht's "Lehrstuck" (play for learning) we witness the latent intelligence and power as a revolutionary leader develop in a unique woman. But she is also every mother, shut out of her son's strange, secret life, who lives in fear for her child's safety; she is every woman who decides to act to change society.
Brecht took his play from Maxim Gorki's great novel and on 17th January, 1932, the play opened at the Theatre am Schiffbauerdamm, the home of the Berliner Ensemble, with Helene Weigcl in the title role, the third of his plays that Brecht directed there (to remain a major part of the Ensemble's repertoire.) The date is significant. On this same day in 1919, Rosa Luxemburg, the German woman revolutionary leader was brutally murdered (with Karl Liebknecht) by military assassins. Brecht had composed "The Ballad of Red Rosa" for her funeral and participated in the protest meeting called by the Augsburg Soviet — thus the play's world premiere was an act of commemoration.
SPORTS NEWS
RIDING CLUB

The above photo was taken at the residential course organised by the Riding Club at Stratham near Melton Mowbray, Leicestershire. The club regularly organises rides, the next being on Friday 21 st. For details contact
the Club.
SPRINGBOKS
Various LSE students trekked north to greet the Springboks at Leicester but the police had decided otherwise. They defended the apartheid team from the 3,000 demonstrators and at the same time revealed the widespread application of a new technique.
This was the photographing of demonstrators, ostensibly 'to identify people if further charges are to be brought. However after Senate House and the Essex affair we know different.
The famed SPG (or B-Specials) were there, as they were at Brixton a week or so earlier when a march went to the Prison. These heavies are trained 'in riot control and crowd techniques and are a form of CRS without the para-military connotations. They are trained in the use of tear gas and ail have extra firearms training, often at Holborn police station.
These lads form the rear cordon in police blocks and are famed for their gentility and charm. They are due at most of the Springboks' matches, with cameramen.
The Athletic Club has its Annual Dinner on Friday November 28th Those who wish to attend please let Secretary know.
GEOGRAPHERS FIGHT IT OUT
Dismal record for Joint Schools KCL/LSE
One of the Leonardo drawings




4^.

The geographers of UC, QMC and the LSE/Kings Joint School undertook the northward migration to Sheniey on Sunday (9/11/69) to carry out the sporting rices for the title 'Top Geographers ' for a year.
Awful weather fittingly accompanied the geographers. It required much persuasion to entice the Joint Schools group onto the pitches—^^to be thrashed at soccer, then hockey (though achieving an epic victory over QMC at rugger).
The weather could not be blamed for the dismal performances : even indoor the Joint Schools could notch only a couple of victories, at table tennis and ladies darts. Even the drinking crown
was gulped from their grasp : a dispute leading to a president's drink-off victory going to QMC.
After the combat came music and dancing, undoubtedly designed to comfort the unsuccessful, before a return to London. UC left the overall winners with Joint Schools last, or a noble third as they prefer to say.
Next year will be a new challenge, this undoubtedly an experience to be remembered and learnt from.
Final scores UC	33 points
QMC	15 points
KCL/LSE 9 points (information J. W. Nisbet and Linda Henry of Geography Association)
SOCCER
LSE First XI
P 9
W 4
D I
LSE Second XI P W D 8 2 I
L 4
F 26
F 18
A 22
A 25
The first eleven drew their last match against Q.E.C. 2—2 whilst the seconds went under to University College, always a strong side, 6—4. It is nice to note full teams are playing in most matches whereas at the beginning of term some games were played with only 9 or 8 men.
RUGBY
The Rugby Club is enjoying a very successful season, with interludes to greet the South Africans and the police. The record of the first team is as follows :
i Jl t/ I «
Firsts
P II
W 9
D
1
Pts 192
Agst 101
The last victory was a 6—3 one over Imperial. This was a good preparation for the first round of the ULU Cup which the Firsts play on the 19th against Sir John Cass College. The same day fhe seconds meet W Division, the Metropolitan police.
8
BEAVER
oPRESSor of the people
e
In Turin, industrial city in northern Italy, home of the world-known FIAT AUTOMOBILE WORKS, about one thousand marxist-leninist students at the end of July held a meeting to decide upon the strategy applicable to all engaged in labour battles, independently of, and in opposition to the Trade Unions. Newspapermen who wanted to attend were allowed to do so against payment of substantial sums: the Milan "CORRIERE DELLA SERA", which has the widest circulation of any Italian daily defending the interests of the middle class, had to pay Lire 100,000, while UNITA', voice of the extensively bureaucratised Italian Communist party, paid Lire 500,000.
This mistrust of the students towards the press is something to be taken into account in Italy, as well as in France or in Germany. Criticism of an integrated society, of repressive systems of western Europe as well as of the Communist East, cannot neglect mass-communication media, such as newspapers, radio, television, loud-speakers, serving an ideology which only aims at its own exclusive survival. If communist students in Poland and Yugoslavia took to the streets in the spring of 1968 in order to set fire to bundles of newspapers in which their aspirations were given an interpretation inspired by reasons of State dictated by the Socialist regime, reaction to adverse mass-media in Germany and Italy was no less vigorous.
For a long time, in Italy, the newspapers have ignored the grave problems concerning the deep transformation needed by the entire structure of the Universities; this was suddenly brought home to ihem when the students' movements exposed anachronistic situations in the functioning of the structures of higher education.
But, even so, it was more in the light of "news" that the matter was considered:
occupation of premises, processions in the streets, clashes with the police and all the more picturesque aspects of youthful revolt, rather than a basic analysis of..the real reasons for such an explosion of rebellion. Some "a posteriori" efEorts were made to explain or justify the causes: the indignation and belated comprehension expressed by some liberal newspapers sound insincere and fail to convince or resemble a paternalistic call to behave quietly, take thought and reach agreement.
Reporters of important dailies and of the more popular fashion weeklies, suddenly discovering themselves specialists in University problems the Italian press had never before considered facing objectively and courageously, went to meetings in the universities occupied by students where, very often, thev were laughed at and accepted only on payment of a substantial sum which went to swell the students' funds. This is not all: the hostile attitude of the students towards a press unable to appreciate the significance of the struggle in the universities was also exhibited in more tangible ways. On the occasion of the demonstrations in Rome, Milan, Florence and Turin, newspaper oilices were the object of demonstrations. In Milan, the "Corriere della Sera" was publicly "tried" by an open air tribunal set up by the students assembled in the Piazza del Duomo.
A review of the situation published by the Italian Magazine "TEMPI MODERNI"
(Modern Times) highlights the policy of misinformation carried out in the Italian press with regard to the real reasons for the student movements of the winter of 1968/69, to the forms the struggle took, to the ideology behind it. and to its aims.
GERMANY — Springer and his men
In the German Democratic Republic, the part played by the "great" newspapers in the conditioning of public opinion in connection with the students' movement is more clearly defined. The slogan of members of the German S.D.S., the leading group of the extra parliamentary opposition, "Out with Springer" is something more than a resentful arrow aimed at the monopoliser of German public opinion.
In point of fact, as George
The
power of the press. One incident on the Springer demonstrations. Just like the good old days.
UNIVERSITIES
FOR THE 1970's
This important weekly series of feature articles discusses the vital issues:
Education for What? How Many Students? How do Universities Differ? Learning and Teaching Methods. Student Participation. Authority and Discipline in the Campus. The Open University. Levelling Up or Levelling Down in Higher Education ?
CURRENTLY APPEARING IN THE
NEW STATESMAN
From all good newsagents every Friday is 6d,
or by subscription at 78s a year (39s for 6 months)
STUDENT CONCESSION Students can get the NEW STATESMAN for only 52s a year (26s for 6 months) — one third below full rate. Use the coupon below.
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Please enter my subscription to the NEW STATESMAN for 52/26 weeks at full/student rate. I enclose 785/395 (students 525/269)
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Backhaus has observed. Springer with his chain of dailies and periodicals of all kinds, "succeeds in promoting emotions and temporarily canalising them frequently with criminal intent, but he does not succeed in stimulating and supporting an active political movement".
Springer's job is that of forerunner to the new authoritarianism: "he is, in fact, carrying out the work which constitutes the essential premise of its systematic adoption". "He is creating an ever wider strata of' persons for whom individual political zeal, and the acceptance of personal responsibility no longer forms part of their potential.
Ten years ago, in 1959, Axel Springer made the following statement: "Ever since the end of the war, it was quite clear to me that there was one thing the German reader did not want, above all else, and that was to think. And this I have borne in mind in the makeup of my newspapers."
Hence the fear brought about by a "thinking" minority which had doubts as to the soundness of the foundations upon which informative imperial]sm rested and from this derived
cont. on p. 9
It took about three minutes, two pounds, and one handshake to open an account with Barclays.
The three minutes were mainly spent in writing a couple of specimen signatures and in establishing my identity as a bona fide student—my passport to a charge-free account. The two pounds—all I could bank at that time—were received with a cordial handshake and I was made to feel really welcome. Nothing stuffy about Barclays. You don't believe me? Try 'em.
BARCLAYS BANK
Money is our business
BEAVER
oPressor of the People
cont. from p. 8
the consequent systematic slandering of sludents.
The vocabulary used by the Springer chain of papers with reference to a "microscopic minority", then to "all students and sympathisers" is coarse and violent.
We read of "crazed rabble", "radical instigators". "political hippies", "hysterical herd of academic hooligans", "notorious brawlers", "communist - trained street lighters", "good-for-iiolhings in search of amusement". "mobs cgged-on bv rabble-rousers".
In April of 1968. Rudi Outsellke was shot at by a fanatic who had been brought to tile point of attempted assassination through the provocation continuously published in Springers German press. He stated that what he had read in the papers had made it clear to him that it was his duty to eliminate the head of the Socialists. A few hours
after the crimc, the campaign against Springer—the manipulator of consciences-reached its peak: thousands of persons, students and yoimg working-men, for a few days besieged the Springer press production centres. This was probably Germany's most critical internal political post-war crisis.
Du|i|ig those few days the police used unprecedented violen e. in defending 'freedom of mass manipulation" which for the first time was being threatened.
The English pre.ss has escaped almost unscathed whilst their European counterparts have come in for more and more attacks. The examples preceding this are just a small .segment of what has been going on in Europe.
Yet the connections of this country's press with the ruling class and capital are so well known as to not need repetition; and Beaver-brook's campaigns arc the tip of the iccbcrg of how they have been u.sed to control opinion. The reccnt Murdock-Maxwell scrap for the 'Sun' has shown how little the supposed standards of the press count next to the needs of profit.
ONE OUT
the intellectual masturbation carried on by some sherry-swigging academic spies in the senior common room. Certainly far more useful than the teaching given by our execrable ex-president (fancy your chances with the skinheads. Colin).
His supervisors, Dr Bell and Dr Miliband both recommended Martin for re-registration as a part time student (bear in mind he would pay his own tuition fees and require no grant) but the Graduate School Committee has rejected him on the grounds of academic ability. The Graduate School Committee has. as you know, no student representation. nor was Martin allowed to put his case. But the knock-out blow is that anions its members arc .sev-
eral academic governors and spies	Freednian.
Lakatos and Roberts for example.
What we would like to know is:
1.	How a person who has got a good degree here, been accepted to do research and has been recommended by his supervisors for re-registration gets rejected on such obvious political grounds, while another is rewarded with Robin Blackburn's job and an office in the new building?
2.	If all you students who voted last year for " no victimisation " and all you ' liberal ' staff members who come out with mealy-mouthed incantations of 'academic freedom' are going to do something to get Martin re-registered at LSE or are you really going to show your true colour . . . yellow.
¦Maxwell argued he wanted a truly Labour paper as there was only one other working class paper left—-don't laugh—the ' Mirror." Yet the position is that there is no large circulation, nominally, left paper in existence. The 'Morning Star' is the largest but has a circulation about 5 per cent that of the 'Times' and the addition of the SLL's "Workers" Press' cannot be regarded as a threat to any of the large papers with its circulation of about 10,000.
The left has however allowed the mouthpieces of profit to speak on unchallenged. The only significant
challenge comes from the hippies (when Mick Jagger was jailed) to the News of the World, one of the leading smearers during the October 27th Farce last year. The LSE has experienced at first hand the lies and distortions of the Fleet Street morons and most recently the total twisting of the anti-Senate House demonstrations and the lack of reporting of the students side (and the trial farces of Hoch, Brayshaw and Gillespie).
Most obnoxious of all is the 'Daily Telegraph' with its po.se as a "quality" newspaper which lightly veils its reactionary streak. This burst forth qpenly during
the American Moratorium Day calling it America's "yellow belly." More re-, cently it reported the Pisa disturbances caused by an attack by Fascists on a left-wing group resulting in the death of one student, as .senseless left wing attacks on the poor Fascist's headquarters.
Yet this is the heavily edited end result of that stinking core of their reporters, one who arrived for "riots" at the LSE last year well the worse for alcohol, who in action arc quite repulsive. To see them at the Port Talbot strike trying to get into private meetings or indignant at being taped
and photographed was a revelation for those there.
Nobody expects much of the 'Express.' We come into contact with their educational correspondent, Bruce Kemble, famed for impartiality and truth. Then there is that fount of wi.sdom, the 'Daily Sketch.'
These are the stipporters of 'law and order,' hanging, anti-' permissive,' anti-stu-dent, anti-strike, anti-immigration — anti-anything which humanity and rationality forward. They are the openly allied supporters of capital and its needs—not even hiding behind the mediations of 'The Times'. The Mirror.' 'Sun' and 'Mail.'
You may know, have .seen, or only have heard of Martin Tonikinson—he was in fact the union's administrative vice-president last year and would still be so if Wally and his gang had not got their grubby little hands on him.
Having been an undergraduate here for three years he gained an upper second (whilst actively pin\suing his own brand of socialism) and was in 1968 considered capable enough to be registered for research here for a master's degree. Despite his active role in last year's events his supervisor at no time suggested terminating his SSRC grant which he received up to October this year.
Now Martin has ceased to be a financial burden on the community and teaches liberal studies to apprentices, skinheads and the like at Tottenham Tech. Far more socially useful we would think than
How to make your money go further
When the problem that you're faced with is the f jngness of the time compared with the shortness of the money, likely as not the answer could be a visit to your local branch of Martins.
At Martins we have a way of applying all our experience of managing money to helpyou make the most ofyours.
Call in and have a word with the local Martins manager-guaranteed unstuffy. We don't promise he'll make money for you, but we're absolutely positive he'll see you get the best possible value out of whatever you've got.
Ask him for the leaflet we've prepared specially for students.
Martins have a branch at
Africa House, Kingsway, London W.C.2. Tel: 01-405 2206 Ask to see Mr. Ravenshear.
Martins go to extremes to be helpful
MARTINS BANK
A member of the Barclays Group

m

10
BEAVER
THE RIGHT AND PRYCE
-DIRTY DEALING
You may have noticed that the right wing at the LSE has become much more organised. This was revealed at the last union meeting but this meeting also revealed the alliance between Pryce and the extreme sections of Con-Soc. The president organised in advance how the conservative amendment could best be brought forward pledging his support from the chair. He begged the known clowns of the right not to speak, particularly asking Osband to stay silent. This little alliance of like minds has been very active over the last weeks with constant caucuses in Pryce's office. Its members include one of the two new council members (who distinguished himself during the march to Senate House on the 27 by standing on the inside of the Senate House gates, with the LSE Monday Club faction, jeering at the march).
As.we predicted in the last issue these people have tried to silence Beaver. Perhaps it is coincidence but the week after that issue appeared attacking both Monday Clubs Adrian Day and Pryce these people have tried every dirty trick to get Beaver.
Thus when the editor had been absent for a week ill and unable to pay in the cash collected for sales Len Harris and Pryce conferred and Pryce under the guise of searching for misappropriated funds broke into Beaver office and ransacked it from top to bottom strewing Beavers and papers all over the floor. Files were also searched. By chance the editor called in on the way from the doctors and found this sight. It transpired that just one clique of union council had any knowledge of the plot, one other member coming across a furtive discussion by chance.
The editor demanded the president tidy up the mess left but this was not done and had to be carried out by Beaver staff". A key to a money box disappeared.
Pryce then attempted to cross examine the editor in very offensive tones maintaining various insinuations. Of course, he stressed these were not of his making and under pressure admitted that Harris amongst others were laying these charges. The editor said that if Pryce had anything to accuse him of he should do it in front of Union, to which Pryce hastily added I don't want this to go to union if I can possibly help it. However on last Monday the president continued his questions trying to obtain details about Beaver which he then relayed to his fascist colleagues so they knew how to frame questions for a union meeting. Of these we have no fear.
These incidents could explain the motives behind the theft last year of the Beaver accounts and subscription lists as well as a search of the files.
METHODOLOGY
The President maintained his attitude of blaming others to the extent of letting it be generally known that the raid on our office was the idea of the Deputy President. In pursuit of his ends Pryce continued to search and harry and missed a Council meeting at which he was severely reprimanded and the meeting resolved to take action if he repeated this tardiness, particularly at ;a meeting he had called.
It is generally felt on Council that ftyce has usurped the functions of many of its members and is involved in personal campaigns of spite. He said to one " My main task is to get Beaver " and on several occasions muttered " One day I'll beat the left in Union, one day."
In his attempts to stifle comment he has demanded what amounts to censorship of Beaver and the usurpation of the editors rights. He has conducted inquiries in order to find things to "get" Beaver with—but has failed.
The previous editor functioned under similar attacks and now the same methods are being used to attack this one.
The situation in LSE at the moment is one of ambiguity. To the authorities and Pryce it appears that the left are weak and thus it is time to eradicate the obvious holds of anyDody opposing them. Nonetheiess the left is strong enough to carry Union any time it wants to, despite the machinations of Pryce and the right.
it is the lack of offensive moves that has given Pryce tne chance to slip forward his own brand of politics. In doing so he has exposed liis own and the politics of like 'moderates'. 1 hey rely on the right as tney have in reality no base from which to work and no consistent view people can follow.
Indeed it has always been the case that uni on ollicers have been well to the right of the student body. This is largely caused by the combining of administrative and political duties. The politics of the union should be kept well clear of the bureaucrats and should derive from union itself.
You have a president who wishes to go down in history as the man who forced through participation in the LSE and defeated the 'irresponsible' left. He has refused to stand up for even the basic duties he should perform ie.; defend the recognised rights of the Union. Thus he refused to oppose the arbitrary action of Adams in banning the 'Living School" from using Union facihties — accepting meekly the fact that in LSE the bosses run the union. Even the most right wing worker wouid not stand for tliis.
Beyond this Pryce has made nimself an important cog in the information chain that leads to Peter Dare and Sir Douglas Logan. He regularly informs his bureaucratic pals of events afoot in LSE. Moreover he visited Sir Douglas Logan (we reported he didn't, that's what he told us) for the chat on UCR and staff-student relations. No report of this discussion has yet been made.
Why do we need a president ? This is running things on the administration's lines—and producing allies for tliem. Pryce has agreed witn the dismissals of Blackburn and Bateson, supports the 'participation' proposals from the Standing Committee and expressed satisfaction at the disciplining of students.
Before him Keohane who accepted the gates and deserted the students when they came down, before him Crouch a more able Pryce.
Could any student ensnared in the trap of a 'responsible' position, feted by the governors and talked to, alone — on your behalf, drinking their wine, on their terms, be a true representative for you ?
"In any society the tactics of a privileged order are always the same tactics. Declare, in the first place, that the demand is impossible; insist when it has proved to be possible that the time for its translation into statute has not yet come; then when it is clear that there seems to be an urgency about it say that the time is coming but that this is not yet the time; then when an angry clamour surrounds the demand, insist that you cannot yield to violence; and when finally, you are driven to yield, say that it is because you have been intellectually convinced that the perspective of events has changed."
H. LASKI

The total irrelevance of Union Council has been amply displayed by the interest, or lack of, in the last elections. Last year's had about 1,200 voters and candidates received about 650 votes when elected. This year in the two sections 360 and 455 people voted respectively. The right who last year charged around demanding petitions if union made decisions with votes of 650 or more in favour were not averse to taking part in these mini-elections.
Eventually Pryce (junior), Nathan and Reaction were returned and jubilation filled the small bands of supporters that hung around them. The right managed to scrape about 90 votes for Day whilst Harris got less.
The best parts of the whole dismal exercise, people's abdication of control over their own lives, whether at second or third preference, were the comments on the many 'spoiled' ballot papers. One summed up the whole farce.
"What is the point of voting, it's actions that count". A selection of the others :
" Lord Robbins, after all, you're voting for him anyway."
" Harris should be expelled from the Union and allowed to develop separately."
" Marat for responsible government."
" Nepotism reigns—Fisk and Pryce."
SWANSEA
The anti-apartheid demonstrations at Swansea last weekend were predictably little publicised by the press. Few photographs appeared and reports were short. The oflicial view seems to have prevailed. It began to appear in the preceding week as the demonstrators seemed to reach a peak of support from ail quarters. It was ^owed to drop that Whitehall was against apartheid but the demonstrations were of the wrong kind. No mention was made of the fact that it was their precise form which had aroused opinion. The view was extensively aired by Ronald Butt in the Times. The consensus of opion and active political protest were dangerous.
Thus it was convenient that the Swansea protest emerged into headlines signifying violence and extremism. The demonstration was itself mild. It was the opposition that was frightening. Swansea had arranged vigilante squads of 'stewards' to 'aid' the police. They were a collection of rugby types and young 'men' of the area. These stewards were allowed to block the roadway to the ground and when the demonstrators tried similar tactics they were dispersed by the police. The police then blocked the road. The march was prevented from reaching the ground and fighting broke out. This was provoked by the police's obvious bias and the forays of stewards into the demonstrators. This fracus resulted in five police injured, one by a flagpole which "stabbed" him in the chest. The BBC forgot to mention over 30 demonstrators injured and about 40 arrested.
Inside the ground demonstrators were subject to jostling and abuse and one group that yeUed at the Springboks was attacked viciously by a gang of stewards, described in the Sunday Times as including skinheads.
The police ignored this and other attacks until the boot had been put in many times. Once demonstrators ran on the pitch they were pursued by the stewards and police. The demonstrators sat quietly down to be dragged, punched and kicked ofl; the pitch. Usual tactics were used. People were dragged by their hair and when they understandably tried to squirm clear of the pain they were hit or arrested for 'resisting arrest' or 'obstruction'.
HOCH OR AUCTION
it is enlightening to note that the incredible estimates for "damage" and "loss" to ULU during the occupation last year was largely based on estimates provided by Leslie Hipkins. Hipkins, if you remember, has resigned over the "disappearance" of sums, believed to be in excess of £200 from the ULU safe. The estimates produced much mirth on their publication due to their incredible size.
However many were not in Hipkins' area
of control and the overall bill was believed to have been aimed at discrediting. The sum was not easily forgotten in Malet Street and a Dr. Pownall made several attempts to make Blackburn, Bateson and Hoch ('guardians' of the occupation) cough up, Two seem to have paid in some way but Hoch it appeared had escaped the universities' wrath.
Paul Hoch comes up for trial on charges arising out of incidents involving a Dr. Pownall at the University of London in December.
Published by London School of Kconomics .Students' Union.
Printed by F, Bailey & Son Ltd. Dursley, Glos.