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NEWSPAPER OF THE LSE STUDENTS' UNfON
No. 135 NOVEMBER 26th, 1974
FREE
Plat 2/2, Fitzroy Flats,. Pitzroy Street, London W1. 15th November 1974«
The Editor,
"Beaver,"
London Schmdil of Economics, Houghton Street,
London ViC2,
Sir,
'l am writing to you to express my disgust at the "advertisement" which appears on page seven of the latest edition of Beaver, entitled The long term benefits of a Short Service Commission.
That you should have deemed it right to publish such a callous and inaccurate account of life in the British Army is utterly beneath contempt, and a most irresponsible act.
British soldiers and innocent civilians are daily being murdered, tortured and maimed by a handful of thugs and louts masquerading as a ''Republican Army". No condemnation of these disgusting acts of murder can,ifc. alas, be sufficient to compensate those who have given their life for their country to rid it of the lunatic political fringe in Northern Ireland, No words can convey the grief and suffering of the widows and orphans bereaved by those
repulsive, cold blooded murderers; the I.R.A,	^
It is time that Beaver stoppe,d publishing political rubbish, the consequences of which may well be serious. The gross misrepresentation, and implicit incitement contained in the item to which I have referred, will be brought, to the attention-of the Director of Public Prosecutions who may wish to take action in lilie matter. However,
before tijLakihg.this step, I shall await your comments.
Yours.faithfully.
R.y, Ingram,
You and whose 'Army
Mr. Ingram?
BKAVKR. Nov. 26th. 1974—Page Two
(continued from Page one)
BEAVER
THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS ST. CLEMENTS BUILDING CLARE MARKET LONDON WC2A 3AE
Tel. 01-405 4872. 7686
BBIAER
NEWSPAPER OF THE LSE STUDENTS' UNION
Thursday Novocibor ih,
Dear Richard, .
As you are goins to bring this matter 'to the'attention of .the Director of Public Prosecutions' no matter what I or any member of the staff write, I see no reason to make any oomment#
Tours Faithfully,
PP
George Foy, Editor, Beavei', Peter Timmins,
Ingram, freedom and threats
BEFORE commenting upon Mr Ingram's letter, two preliminary, external points must be made.
1. Any Army's rationale for existence, be it the British or the Chilean, is that of destruction. An army is in being to kill people. Because IVIr Ingram applauds this basic tenet, I suggest that he can best indulge in his principles by killing him-
The long term
benefits of a Short Service
Commission.


¦ J
In the long tarn, as Keynes pointed out, we're all dead. As an "Army Officer", you will have a gcod chance of becoming dead a lot sooner*
Provided you*re not too iroaginative (and you don't have to be imaginative to become an "Arwy Officer": look at Mark Phillips) this shouldn't worry you at all.
The CBI has a special schaoe for employing officers, and in the unlikely event of a coup d'etat, you could find yourself running whole industries. But don't worryl
First off, you can always blama any mistakes (and ws all make raistakes:
look at the history of the
it's full of theml)
on the workers, and shoot thera.
Secondly, there won't be any nosey reporters pissing about trying to cause trouble.
Also, wefll pay you a lot of noney, which is better than living on the SS.
(ilJe don't like people on the SSJ)
So if you're under 26, and want to sea the world (flattened), join the "Arwy" as a Short Service CoMissioned Officer.
Address your letter to fflajor 3.R. Pinochet, >r«y Officer"Entry, D^t, ESS, Lansdowne House, Berkeley Square, Santiago, UllX 6AA,
Army Officer"
self. If he does not, he must be judged a hypocrite.
2. Mr Ingram was one of those who opposed the NUS proposal to deny a platform for racists and fascists. He argued that freedom of speech must be protected. This is a "basic" freedom that he is trying to deny "Beaver." Mr Ingram is not consistent.
The letter
Mr Ingram is entitled to express as much "disgust" as he wishes. That is his privilege and his value judgment. What he is attempting to do is present his value judgment as if it were some moral norm of society. He is being intellectually dis-honest and thus loses 10 points.
The quality of "life in the British Army" depends very much on who one talks to. However it should be made clear that the "advert" made no direct reference to the British Army, only to the "Army". 'Mr Ingram has jL'mped to a conclusion, the germ of which is not contained in the "advert". As it is, the term "inaccurate", as Mr Ingram uses it,, is a value judgment. Other terms he uses are either empty of meaning ("utterly beneath contempt") or dripping v/ith pseudo-moral judgments ("irresponsible") that are again worthless.
Mr Ingram then launches into a purple passage about "thugs and louts", which aptly describes, in his terms, anyone who takes life. For some reason, not connected with the advert, he "discusses" the Northern Ireland situation. Of the life-takers there, any person can distinguish three basic groups; the Roman Catholics, the Protestants, and the British Army. Of late, the first two of these groups have been mainly responsible for the killings in N.I. What is unfortunate for Mr Ingram, is that the British Army, does its bit of filling, and is strongly suspected of "helping", even if it is by not persecuting, the Protestant "cause".
Obviously "no words can convey the grief and suffering of the widows and orphans bereaved" and one can see why Mr Ingram has made not the sHghtest attempt to do so. But it is time to consider Mr Ingram's "cold blooded" threats.
One wishes he wouldn't be so evasive and coy, hiding behind "the consequences of which may be serious". Also, the "implicit incitement" (to what) "contained in the item" is a figment of Mr Ingram's implicit "mind". The only thing that can be done, is to print- the "advert" again, you can judge, and append d "comments" sent to Mr ^ram the day we received his ?ter".
Peter Timmins
f
BEAVER, Nov. 26th, 1974—Page Three
Felicity's Weel( of Action
MONDAY
DECIDED to turn over a new-leaf this morning and go to a few lectures. Also I had a letter from Mummy and she is still moaning about the fact that I didn't go to Girton and appear on University Challenge, which did stir the old conscience a bit. On the way to my 11 o'clock lecture I was waylaid by KEN MINOGUE (LSE's answer to Jonathan Miller) and he invited me to his office for a sundowner. He was wearing a very natty black outfit and I was a wee bit tempted but as his speciality is not mine (academically, I mean) I declined and went to my lecture and painted my nails an incredible shade of purple. Later on in Florries I met TERRY STAMPOLOPOULIS (no, that can't be right) who spent hours explaining to me how to spell his name he actually wanted to talk to me about what he should put in the Carr-Saunders newspaper this wgek. I said I didn't believe in gossip columns and anyway shouldn't that sort of thing be beneath the man behind the power of S. K. ADALJA ? I moved gracefully on to the GRANTS ACTION COMMIT-,TEE MEETING because I have decided to move off the bed and actively participate in the NUS bugle call for a WEEK OF ACTION. ABE OPPEL, who appears in the most strange places, pontificated so loud and long and the BROAD LEFT wanted to do something that the IS didn't and vice-versa, that I got rather confused and went to the loo. I wrote 'THE A.U. ARE SEXIST PIGS" on the wall and felt much better. I met KATIE JENNINGS in the bar later on, who told me all about a lovely weekend she had just spent in the beauty of the English countryside. Howes about that! Had a rather exciting date with TONY BROWN in the evening, we
went to a Sotherby's Wine Tasting. He is just abounding with tremendously exciting ideas, somehow he makes the BROAD LEFT look a bit reactionary. He told me about his super job with ENTS COMMITTEE and how h,e has got a dual gig of Cambridge Footlights and the Red Army Chorus (CHRIS HOYLAND would like that!) with vocal backing by Bryan Ferry and friends lined up for next term. That's initiative I thought. Went to bed with J. P. Satre.
TUESDAY
Satre proved just too much and I was hours late getting up and missed breakfast. When I eventually arrived at the LSE I resolved to have a big lunch but was stopped at the entrance to the refectory by GLENYS THORNTON. She was amazed that I didn't know that today was Canteen Boycott day con-sid,ering hundreds of leaflets had been put under the doors in the halls. She showed me a copy and I had to shamefacedly admit that I had thought it was something to do with IS and so had ignored it. However the boycott was a tremendous success and I saw lots of starving students during th.e afternoon. I popped into the EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE meeting, which as usual was attended by "I'm not really trying" CHRIS WELLS. Does he think he was elected or something ? The EC reversed all the non-decisions they had made at their last meeting and poor GLENYS looked absolutely exhausted ! Spent the evening in the bar with wonder-boy CHRIS HOYLAND, who judging from his scruffy appearance, seemed to have had one over the eight. TONY FLETCHER took me home but spent the remainder of the evening battering his head against my bedroom wall, muttering something about training for the next Spurs v. Saints match. Went to bed with a splitting headache.
WEDNESDAY
On discovering that the refectory boycott was still in full swing I decided to give lunch a miss and spent an hour watching BRENDAN O'CARROLL play snooker. His skill seems almost supernatural. I hurried off to the Ents Party where I was introduced to CHRIS "Cyril Smith's got nothing on me" HALL, who said he was following in the RICHARD REES mould, only in a bigger way.' Was rescued by CRISPIN O'BRIEN he thought I was so in need of welfare that he signed me up for the nursery. Eventually RUTH BASHALL dragged me from Crispin's tender arms with cries of "sexist pig." I was actually rather enjoying it but I had consumed quite a lot of wine ! Anyway I went round with Ruth tearing down the A.U.'s rape posters, that sort of aggressive action is very therapeutic, you should try it! Went to ED KISKA'S cheese and wine party in the evening to see if he knew of any spare fiats. I carefully avoided all contact with CHRIS COOK and cuddly Professor GRIFFITH and guess what? I actually had a long chat with Ralfie. If only he shaved off his moustache he'd be quite attractive. I asked him how he had got on with the new executive and he said that they hadn't said anything except that it was mandated policy not to say anything. Strange, I thought to myself! Went to bed (well sort of) with DAVE BEANEY because I had said "Going my way sailor?" to him. For those who don't understand that last re-m.ark have a look at his T shirt.
THURSDAY
Boy, did it rain today ! Houghton Street was awash with rivers and weak students. The BROAD LEFT have conceived a super idea regarding the changing of the time of the Union meeting from Friday to


Now is the autumn of our	
discontent.......	
	Mass Action ...
	Rank and File ... /
	Grants Justice Now../ .
	
	We demand........ 1 i
1 \	You will occupy.../ /
	We shall never 1 l
/ \	surrender, we | tj
I { \	shall fight them 1
\ J 1	on the beaches, k
\ 1	in the refectory, \.
	in the S.C.R......"
	^ (Yawn..zzzzzzzzizz)
Thursday lunchtime. I thought it was a good idea myself so I went along. The 29-odd students that also turned up got disillusioned and we all went to the bar, leaving a solitary KEN MULLER shouting frustratedly "MOVE TO A VOTE". Terrible to be like that without an audience. I had a few drinks (no, I paid for a few drinks) with the bar manager who told me that he was now completely better. I was very glad to hear that and was very sorry to hear that he is leaving us. I observed PETE TIMMINS (who is not the editor of "Beaver") working away at communicating with the new executive. He looked flushed but happy. If this bit does not appear I shall know who does the censoring and can report back to Women's Lib. Pat on th,e back Felicity. I was very interested in his anti-MO'tHERCARE bit and the fact that he doesn't like babies. Presumably he was one once, or did he just jump out of HRIS TILLEY'S h«ad like a Greek god. Went to bed with Wanda and obtained a new badge.
FRIDAY
EVERYBODY OUT! I obeyed the call and didn't go to any lectures but horror of horrors — the bar was shut! The Union offices were closed as w.ell, God knows what CHRIS WELLS did with himself. Mind you IS seemed to have the key to the UNION OFFICES, because they were all in there duplicating lik.e mad — it was quite a hive of activity or were they just practising their occupation ? On the demonstration I observed a strange phenomenon across Waterloo Bridge, PAUL COCKEREL L, CRISPIN O'Whatsit and CHRIS WELLS were all dancing about shouting "SINGING IN THE RAIN." Paul got the Gene Kelly touch nicely I thought, he's got th,e right figure for it.
Still, I suppose that it's more , constructive than beating up policemen! I never actually made it to the grand opening of Rosjeberry Bar as I had to go to bed -with bandaged feet


Schhh,.,.I must get into my class without being- seen by the pickets.
"This is a partly-satirical broadcast on behalf of the N.U.S."
"I'm the ' king the swingersI"
See you next term, love and kisses,
FELICITY
Special messages :
To Snidelines — stop plaguerising my catch-phrases.
To Nikki and Tim — not on the floor of the AU coach please.
To anybody interested — am back in London on Boxing Day, please form an ORDERLY queue outside my flat; I don want a repetition of last year with two of you arrested.
LATE SPECIAL
Christmas Editions of all my diaries to date are now avail able from th,e Socialist Worker print shop (beggers can't be choosers) care of The Official Receiver.
See you all next year !
Quorum
ON Thursday, November 14th a Union "Meeting" was held in the Old Theatre. Thanks to an "intensive" poster campaign by sabbatical General Secretary Paul (Sorry, I've no time) Cockerell, nearly 70 people (i.e. less than three per cent of the student body and less than half of the 150 required for a quorum) turned up.
Various matters were shelved, but the first motion was passed by a clear majority. The second motion (which had unfortunately been taken home by Ala-stair Coe and therefore had not found its way to the Union Agenda) never came up for consideration.
Some idiot then called quorum and the meeting collapsed in a welter of claims and counter claims. The other good thing which was announced was that the School approves of sabbaticals. I wonder why ?
Graffiti
If all the idiots in the world lit a candle, we'd be dazzled by LSE again.
Snide lies
DEAR "BEAVER,"—I wish to dispel the myths surrounding the cricket club elections. The attendance at the meeting was some 21 (18 prospective umpires and three players). Two bridge players came to the meeting along with me — one of whom played cricket last year for Bombay College XI. 'Th.e other was a fresher who played at school last year. The opposing W. G. Grace faction consisted of a bunch of Tories and Independent Tories (most noticeably A. K. Brown — Executive Officer for Ents). If theSie gentlemen (for I am but a player) were so interested in playing cricket, where were they last season when I needed all the players I could • get ? These gentlemen, professing certain rustic skills with the bat and boasting about having bowled several maidens over, could not be bothered to turn out in our hour of need. The myth is dispelled, and at the close of play I remain 329 not out . . whoops silly me I've just hit another boundary . . . 333.
Jim Stride
"DAILY NEWS" people are Dee Smalley, Lyn Martin, Crispin O'Brien and Gill Hibbert.
"BEAVER" people are Peter Tim-mins, Gill Hibbert, Chris THilley, Dianne Gillespy, Steve Savage, Maggie Urry and Mac McDojaalU.
COPYRIGHT (C) London School of Economics and Political Science, Students' Union 1974.
JSEAVER, Nov. 26th, 1974—Page Four
YES,FOLKS,
IN FULU Bl-ACK^ WHITE
"coMTAACTASCOPe"®
(5 IT TRUE THAT S,K, IS auNo?
Af/ISJ
CAyNNED UAWfiHTER
, / TBU
You /t's NOT
PUNbHE$S IS JUST A SrATS op MtNO
MY EDITOR, WHOEVER he may be, rushed up to me a few days ago with the breathless news that we'd been Watergated. Some foul person, "or persons unknown" had been snooping around the "Beaver" Office, removing Snidelines and the stock of "Peanuts" cartoons. Whilst Snidelines can be writ again (and again —I do have stamina if no taste), the "Peanuts" cartoons are irreplaceable. They were drawn last summer by a just-graduated student who, so my informants tell me, is now residing in prison, in Afghanistan, on a drugs rap. That loss is tragic and overshadows the £8 that was thieved from the same premises a few days before. As my Editor, whoever he may be, is wont to say, "some people are bastards".
I-T APPEARS THAI a certain tightly-knit group of politically motivated men want to see Snidelines excluded from the Organ of the LSE Students' Union. Very funny. Perhaps it'll have to be published by "samizdat". "Samiz-dat", in case you aren't totally multilingual.
Snidelines
is the Russian for "to self-published". Whatever stirred the Russians to devise such word ?
that mighty SOCIALIST intellectual who holds the Labour Club in his iron grip, Mr John Tithard, was observed breaking the picket lines at the recent Slops House Boycott. Like all true social democrats, he wanted to help himself to some "food", scabbing while others nobly starved. 1 hope he doesn't need a pay bed in which to recuperate from "food"-poisoning.
METHINKS THERE WAS another reason for the failure of the "Stop 'Sennet' Campaign" that has not been fully reported. I will elucidate The Editor of "Sennet", one J. Clift is a great friend and .buddy of the other sabbatical who occupies the ULU building (and very little else), the President of ULU, J. Carr, Esq. Mr Carr is also on the NUS Executive where resides the General Secretary, Mr Stephen Parry. Mr Parry is a member of the same social organisation that the leader of the abortive campaign belongs to—the Communist Party. Ah, the power of the press !
JUST TO PROVE I am not just a student idealist, I was pottering through DOG '75 and came across the Ferranti advertisement. Therein were the wise words of Mr Sebastian de Ferranti which I would like you to take heed of. My managers, I quote, "share a common determination to turn technology into profit." I always thort DOG was non-fictional ?
BUT BACK TO internal matters. I am told that I must congratulate Mc Rachael Solomons who on gaining entrance to the dizzy heights of power via the SU Executive, connived to get the "job" of member responsible for the Three Tuns Bar. One hopes that the Bar's customers will be better able to hold their alcoholic beverages than she was when, at her celebratory inauguration, being slightly inebriated, she entertained the assembled company with a colourful display of vomiting. One is moved to congratulate the choice of target that Ms Rachael wiped out, a certain member of the IS.
THE MORE GENTEEL attractions of the Sussex riviera proved insufficient to contain some of the boisterous elements of the Government Department. I hear that while on a celebral week-end at St. Leonard's-on-Sea to discuss the finer points of Public Administration, some of the participants decided to augment their knowledge of the French political scene by seeing the effects of various strikes on Paris.
Leaving at lunch on Saturday these hardy adventurers found their way to Paris despite the lack of passports, car log-books and ferry tickets. This great feat of spontaneous ingenuity was achieved by concentrated willpower and persistent disregard of French speed restrictions to save petrol.
The representative party included a mature student, Jo Thomson, two third years. Union Executive member, Tony Brown and Peter Capel, and two first years, Chris Preston, and the strangely named Mungo Effingham Deans.
Their sojourn in Paris lasted five hours, enough for a meal, of gastronomic indistinguish-ability, some sight-seeing and time to post a card to H. Wilson and Bernard Donoghue, they returned to St. Leonards in time for the arrival of the Director for a meeting on Sunday morning at 11.00 a.m.
Rip-off Hall
THERE are two main points to this second instalment. The first concerns all residents, the second only those who live on the lower floors. First, people are worried about the lack of vitamins C and D in the menus, and the excess of carbohydrates. This is a general case in many halls, but it seems to be worse in Rosebery. Moreover, the food is often cold and late-comers often have no choice of main course. Insufficient seems to be prepared, even at weekends, when many residents are away.
Secondly rooms on the basement and ground floors suffer from the noise of the main road. Moreover, people living on the ground floor have difficulty in receiving phone calls in the evening, the receptionist being unwilling to leave her office.
Residents in the basement suffer from even less privacy than those on the ground floor. As one woman resident said : "People say hello to me and ask me the time." But the
rooms look out on to a grey concrete wall, and we get no sunlight whatsoever, and not much more fresh air. The rooms are noisy because of pipes which pass through them, which in turn make the wardrobes smaller than in other rooms. There is a wish either for the rent for the rooms to be reduced, or for them to be turned over as communal rooms — Rosebery Hall has no common room apart from the bar, and to quote one resident "I don't want to live in a pub".
Hunt the WO
THE Students' Union is presently spending £1,900 a year, in order to have a full-time, permanent Welfare Officer. The Welfare Officer, Lindsay Lewis, was appointed on March 1st, 1974.
Although there is no official job delineation it was made clear to all applicants that their duties would be as follows. The Welfare Officer would have to set up and ensure the running of an Accommodation Bureau to begin in October, 1974, and to continue throughout the year.
Whilst realising the difficulties of accommodation in London, ¦ particularly after the Rent Act, homeless LSE students have found more relief through friends and the columns of the "Evening Standard." The "Accommodation Bureau's" best suggestion was "squatting."
Another duty was to establish a service to assist students in finding vacation work, giving details of employers, and salaries, with interviews to be arranged on behalf of the students. Again it would seem the "Evening Standard", NUS and the Bulletin Boards in the Concourse Area offered the most number of suggestions.
Perhaps currently the most important objective for women with children at the LSE is the establishment of a day nursery. It was clearly stated to the applicants that the setting up of a nursery, either with the Centre of Environmental Studies or independently (as well as ensuring adequate nursery facilities in the move to Strand House in 1978) was highly placed in their list of duties. The campaign for a nursery has been run almost entirely by the Women's Group and interested parties. At the last Nursery Campaign meeting the Welfare Officer was not present.
In general the Welfare Officer is supposed to be responsible for giving help and guidance to students on all types of problems. — and when necessary to direct them to the correct person or Department in the School. In other words to act as a channel of communication between the School and the students, who are often unaware of all the facilities that are available (e.g., how to change courses, the procedure for taking a year off, etc.).
It is clear that the duties of a Welfare Officer are extensive, important and can only be adequately handled by a full-time Officer. However, it seems to many that there is very little difference, if any, in the general welfare situation now and the position before the appointment. There will even be some students who do not know of the existence of a Welfare Officer.
Everybody has their problems, even Welfare Officers, but; there is a growing feeling that if the impoverished Students'' Union can manage to find, in the interest of all students, the money for a full-time Welfare Officer, then in turn, that Welfare Officer should be able to find some time and interest for the students of the LSE.
Spend a night in the Queen Mother's loo!
NITELINE (or Nightline) is a word which should no longer be causing confusion at the LSE, or in the University of London as a whole. Whatever the nature of a service which is being provided the only gauge of its success is the extent to which it is used, and on this basis we at Nightline are now able to claim success. We average two to three calls a night, a total comparing favourably with the well-established Nightlines at IC, and while we are in no way concerned with vying with other Nightlines over frequency of calls, we feel that this indicates a need exists for our type of service.
The success of Nightline at ULU must not be seen in isolation from the attempt to establish Nightline at the LSE last summer term. Those of us who operated it expected immediate results and felt that since no calls were received until the last two weeks of term, there was no point in continuing the service. But we are dealing with people, not an explosion, and it cannot be emphasised enough that the spread of information through a community such as the LSE Is a gradual process. It is thanks to the operation of Nightline from the LSE over that ten week period that Nightline at ULU has been accepted and used so readily.
For people who don't know the details, Nightline offers two basic types of service; an information service, and a sympathetic ear for personal problems. Our information
files cover items ranging from Citizens' Advice Bureaux to VD clinics, and we have on our files alternative organisations as well as conventional ones, to cater for all types of problems. We don't prescribe— we give the information the caller asks for. If a caller wants to talk about a personal problem, we believe that she or he should not fear moral judgments or condemnation, or most of all, being told, what course of action to take. The Night-liner's function is to listen, to help the caller talk the problem out for herself or himself, and possibly to suggest other services which deal with that problem as a speciality, if any such exist.
It is precisely because we are getting regular calls that we must be certain of a regular rota of Night-liners. At present our rota covers a three week period, with two people on duty every night, but the quality of our service depends on not overworking our volunteers. Whether you have never tried this kind of work before, or you are one of the disillusioned Nightllners from last summer, or have worked elsewhere on a telephone service, if you are interested in joining us we welcome you with open arms. You can contact Nightline through Lindsay Lewis, the Welfare Officer, in room S.lOO (near Plorrie's) or Bryn Davies, or come to S.117 on Mondays at 5 o'clock. If you phone Nightline on 580 5745 after 6 p.m., the NightUner on duty will give you Information about the talks for new volunteers at ULU.
i
BEAVER, Nov» 26th, 1974~Page Five
Food
THE CANTEEN BOYCOTTS carried out during the Grants Week of Action were a success, in that very few students broke the picket lines. Various kinds of non-student went ahead and ate as usual, but the Canteen Manager's figures (i.e., a 33 per cent drop on usual consumption) seem to indicate a certain looseness in the accounting methods used.
Various opinions can be heard on the boycott's efficacy, tanging from a jocular 98.2 per cent to around 60 per cent (this includes everyone, not just students). In any case, the boycott was carried out effectively: one side-effect seems to be a sudden discovery that the bar is open at lunchtime. Another is Dahrendorf's hasty statement claiming (with no actual evidence, since there are no proper accounts) that the refectory doesn't subsidise the SCR and SDR.
If the prices in the refectory were the result of non-profit-making activities, how could hard-boiled eggs cost 8p each ? Suppose for the sake of argument that a dozen eggs cost 40p (and they probably cost less) then we deduce that one egg costs about Sip and that 4^p is added to its value in boiling it! This is crazy, so we must assume that a significant proportion of the 4ip goes on other costs.
Why is so much spent on "other costs"? Because we have such a ridiculous system of catering in the LSE ! The rational thing to do is to separate the various eating places according to function, e.g.: one place for full meals — another for snacks — another for coffee. These facilities should all be provided on the third floor and the other kitchens closed down. People should be free to sit wherever they want, including the SDR.
¦ At present we are paying for an irrational system of catering which is set up to protect the academics' godlike positions. If you •don't want to call that subsidisation, fair enough! It doesn't alter the stupidity of the system and the bloody-mindedness of the academics who refuse to have it changed.
To him who hath shall be given — the morals necessary to protect what he hath.
THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS & POLITICAL SCIENCE
(UNIVERSITY OP LONDON)
nittHosf. 01-405 7M6	HOUGHTON STRliT
LONDON, WC2A 2AE
19th November lOtk
Dear Beaver,
Last week a circular was dist-ributeci ur.'^ing a canteen boycott, in the form of a question and answer dialogue. The answer given to "VJhy is the food so expensive?" read as follows: "At the LSE the student refectory subsidizes the Senior Common Room and its waitress service. In 1962 the Department of Tvducation and Science ordered that university students should bear the full cost of their meals. Contrary to popular belief the refectory is not subsidized at all by the school. So students pay in full."
This answer is not correct. At the rorrent both refectory and staff dinin,n: room are run at a loss. In the case of the latter chan^^es designed to eliminate the loss are planned. There is little.prospect of the refectory breaking even however and unless other services can contribute enouf^h profit to cover the deficit the School will be unable to meet the UOC (not DES) recuire-rcent. Incidentally, the UGC does not insist that the cost of the space occupied by the refectory is covered by payments for meals and the School has been'absorbing this cost.
Yours sincerely.
Tony Flowerdew Chairman,
Refectory Advisory Committee.
AFTER my rapid recovery last week, thanks to the National Health Service and all their blood donors, I was pleased to enter the refectory only to find that the place was empty. My rapturous joy on experiencing this unique phenomenon brought me close to tears at times. At last the inmates of our institution were revolting against the nature of the food prepared by our illustrious cooks.
My joy, however, was short lived. Some people, calling themselves pickles, were actually having to prevent people consuming Spaghetti Provinciale (22p, up from IBp last year), Beefburger Portugaise (20p, up from 16p last year) and various other sundry dishes.
To recover myself I swiftly departed towards the Robinson Room only to find the same situation prevailing there as in the refectory. Needless to say the cooking aides were slightly perturbed. I ventured to speak to the cook but could make no headway with him. His head was buried between his knees,and like a babe he was sobbing copiously.
Behind him, piled six foot high, stood a mountain of frozen turkeys. "What are we going to do with it all," he said, looking at m.e -with imploring eyes in expectation of a rapid answer. Already the turkeys were slowly beginning to defrost and the drip drip drip of water on the floor was the only reply he received. It was then that I noticed something rather strange. The skin of these carcasses was also dissolving.
At this point the supervisor of our eating-palaces entered and swiftly threw a large tablecloth, with the stamp of the Senior Common Room emblazened across it, over this melting mountain of flesh. With a stern look she faced me and pointed towards the door. Those individuals who have never met this formidable woman will wonder at my rapid exit from the side of the cook. Suffice it to say that if one crossbred an alsation with a terrapin
Academic affairs
THE 12 student representatives that turned up to the Undergraduate Studies Committee (USC) on Monday, November 18th were subjected to a one-way dissertation from the chair, and when points were raised, discussion was limited and votes refused.
In particular, great intransigence was apparent when James Mitchell (SU Executive Officer, Academic Affairs), tried to get the Committee to support in principle the Women's Group suggestions for a course on Women's Struggles in Society. Chairman Grun refused to even put the matter to a vote on the grounds that it would interfere with a Department's internal affairs. When it was pointed out that one of the terms of reference of the USC was that it was specifically detailed to discuss "cur-ricular development and revision of degree structures affecting or relating to undergraduate studies", the Chairman was unmoved.
Further difficulties were encountered when the Chairman of the Working Party on Vacation Grants managed to explain his Committee's problems on the allocation of Grants just inside a comprehensive 1 hour 10 minutes. Mr Sin-cair left the USC secure in the knowledge that we fully comprehended his worth.
Possibly the most fruitful result to emerge from this meeting was the pledge from Chairman Grun to give active support to the change in the constitution needed to allow full Departmental representation (i.e. 16 Departmental student places), instead of the present ludicrous half representation (8 Departmental student representatives).
For the present, the Chairman informed the USC that to preserve "constitutionality" it would be necessary to allow only 8 Reps with voting and speaking rights, whilst the other 8 would be "observers", having the same powers of the Reps, except voting rights. This was accepted as an intermediate measure until there is a full revision of the USC's constitution.
There is a lot that we can do through the USC, given support from Departments and the resolve to stop endlessly pontificated circular monologues by various members of the School. The next meeting is Monday, January 20, 1975 in the new term, and prior to that, a preliminary policy meeting of all the Department's Representatives/Observers on Monday, January 13, 1975, in SlOO at 5.00 p.m. is to be convened. If there are any items for the agenda, to be submitted by anyone, can they be brought to S100 c/o Emma Hamilton-Brown as soon as possible, or by the latest, Thursday, January 9, 1975.	„
When we go to fie next meeting of the USC we shall ensure that items we want discussed are on the agenda and that all the student members and observers are fully briefed in a preparatory meeting. At the meeting we will debate forcefully on the issues of relevance to students and demand that votes are taken to avoid the present impotent vacillating of the administration. This would be a start to changing the present situation of students at the LSE by using official channels.
Terms of reference of USC
THE Committee, which is an advisory and not an executive committee of the Academic Board, operates under the following terms of reference :
1. To keep under review, and make and consider proposals for improvement and modification in the education offered to undergraduate students of the School and in particular ;
(a)	the design, organisation, teaching and assessment methods of courses for undergraduate students ;
(b)	curricular development and revision of ¦ degree structures affecting or relating to undergraduate studies;
(c)	the induction, registration, tuition and educational welfare of undergraduate students ;
(d)	timetabling, library, bookshop and catering arrangements affecting or relating its proceedings and work to undergraduate studies;
(e)	the operation of the systems of Departmental Staff-Stu-dent committees and Departmental Tutors affecting or relating to undergraduate studies:
(f)	matters introduced on min-ute^^ of Departmental Staff-Student Committees;
(g)	the general information and advice provided for the use of tutors in their dealings with undergraduate students :
2.	To undertake such other tasks as the Academic Board shall determine.
3.	To establish sub-committees and working parties as appropriate, within the terms of refer., r.ce set out in section 1, and to determine their cqt^i e'ence, length of service (including re-appointment) and membership.
4.	To make recommendations-to the Academic Board and the Dean on matters within its terms of reference.
5.	To furnish regular reports on its proceedings and work to the Academic Board at such intervals as the Board shall from time to time determine.
Vacation grants
THE total amount allocatable this year is £23,975, with the unlikely possibility that £5,023 unspent from 73/4 will be added to this year's amount.
This 75/6 figure of £23,975 is the same as the previous year and at a meeting of the Working Party
on Vacation Grants on Thursday, November I4th, proposals were considered on how to make this amount stretch given the rise in rates. The new rates are £1 for a student living at home (old rate 70p), £1.90 for a student living in London, Russia or Spain and not
and examined the nature of those eyes, merely a hint will be had of what stared across at me.
By now my strength had all but left me and it was with relief that I slowly made my way towards the Senior Common Room. Oh ! the joy at hearing the clatter of cutlery against Wedgwood, the slurp, slurp of the consomme being avidly enjoyed by our academic staff. The Head of Department whatsit beckoned to me to join his table. People were laughing at a piece of paper held before their eyes. As I sat down he ventured to hand me one. It transpired to be a leaflet written by the lower classes in our college. Then suddenly it dawned upon me. My week in hospital had left me bereft of any new developments on the gastronomic 'front. Here I was, hobknobbing with the academics, while my kith and kin were fighting pitched battles with the administration.
I only, hope that my comi3osure, as I rose from that heinous exhibition of eating, absolves me from any indication that my heart was not in the noble cause espoused so eloquently on that which I now held in trembling hand. With a swift about turn I walked with my head held high from that infamous exhibition. Unfortunately no-one noticed my action and I swiftly perused the leaflet to find the location of some establishment that would still my rumbling digestive tract. Needless to say I could not face any of the aforementioned places and struggled towards our Health Closet whereupon, reaching it, I swiftly descended into a hunger faint.
GASTON GWOME
in the parental home (OR £1.40), £2.30 for students studying in France and Germany (OR £1.40) and £1.60 for other cases (OR £1.20).
These new rates are of course hardly sufficient, and with the School not prepared to release more funds this means that the numt>er of man days will be considerably reduced.
In response to this the SU Executive Officer for Academic Affairs, James Mitchell, suggested that students should be allowed to study at home, saving 90p a day (£1.90-£1.00), travelling to the LSE, administrative expenses, student time and possible extra rent. It was further suggested that a mi.xed "system" should be considered, everything applying in the above example but when the student did have to travel to the LSE to obtain books, his rate increasing from £1 to £1.90 for that day.
It was decided that no char.ge could take place this Christmas, but the suggestions would go to the USC for debate and back to the Working Party in January, to arrive at a decision for the Easter and Summer 'Vacations. To solve the Christmas crisis it has been suggested that money be reallocated from the Easter and Summer Vacations to the Yuletime occasion.
BEAVER, Nov. 26th. 1974—Page Six
IS THE WORLD OVER-POPULATED YES, THERE ARE TOO '^r MANY CAPITALISTS!
THE U.S. Government's successful sabotage of the world food conference in Rome should be viewed in relation to the Rumanian experience, as reported recently by an American newspaper:
The U.S. government sustained a smashing defeat at the World Population Conference held August 19th-29th in Bucharest, Rumania.
Already battered by attacks from the small and medium-sized countries at earlier international gatherings, the U.S. last month was all but KO'ed.
The Washington delegation appeared at the world's first international population conference with a declaration containing all the outworn calculations, theories and warnings of neo-Malthusianism and wanted them included in the final draft declaration that is to be approved at the coming United Nations General Assembly this fall.
But the developing countries — which outnumber the industrialised by better than two to one — easily succeeded in reversing the original draft statement.
Instead of discussing "overpopulation" and its alleged dire consequences for humankind, the revised text stands virtually neutral on whether there is over or underpopulation in the world.
Instead it stresses the importance of the economic and social development of a country as primary in implementing any population policy. As Ali Oubouzar of the Algerian delegation put it: "The underdeveloped countries want to restore the para-mountcy of development over the matter of negatively influencing fertility rates."
Most countries emphatically agreed, and in addition blasted the attempts of outside countries, particularly the superpowers, to regulate their populations. President Nicolae Ceausescu of Rumania, the host country, said that every government "has the sovereign right to promote those demographic policies and measures that it considers most suitable and consonant with its national interests, without any outside interference."
Antonio Carillo Flores, a Mexican lawyer and secretary general of the conference noted that while many countries want to reducfe their birth rates, "it is also understandable that several nations in Europe, Africa and Latin America, where the objectives and situations are different, look at the problem in a different way."
The U.S. delegation was headed by Health, Education and Welfare Secretary Casper Weinberger, protege of racist and reactionary California Gov. Ronald Reagan, and the brain behind many repressive national welfare policies in the U.S.
Virtually all the U.S. proposals v>-ere rejected. Instead of calling on all countries to adhere to a single birth control plan, the document says: "Countries which consider their birth rates detrimental to their national purpose are invited to consider setting quantitative goals." But, the declaration stresses, "Nothing herein should interfere with the sovereignty of any government to adopt such quantitative goals."
The conference rejected outright the U.S. statement that there is "overpopulation." For this clearly implies placing the burden of action on the third world countries, whose populations in the last few
decades have been expanding rapidly — after centuries of imperialist and colonialist plunder and decimation. Instead, the declaration puts much of the blam,e for the world's problems on the industrialised countries which consume a disproportionate amount of the world's resources.
"Recognising that per capita use of world resources is much higher in the more developed than in th,e developing countries, the developed countries are urged to adopt appropriate policies in population consumption and investm,ent, bearing in mind the need for fundamental improvement and international equity," the declaration said.
Instead of asserting, as the U.S. would have had it, that population is a phenomenon that can be regulated in isolation from other factors in a country, the declaration notes "the inter-relationship of demographic and socio-economic factors in development." It adds : "It is imperative that all countries and within them all social sectors should adapt themselves to more rational utilisation of natural resources, without excess, so that some are not deprived of what others waste."
WOMEN'S RIGHTS
Instead of denying the right of families to bear children, the draft states: "It is strongly recommended that national policies he formulated and im.plemented without violating . . . universally accepted standards of human rights."
The document also contains a special section calling for promotion of the rights of women and noting the importance of their role in d,etermining the birth rate. As long as women are oppressed and cannot take part in the social and economic life of their countries on ah equal footing, the document suggests, they will not be able, on a mass scale, to consciously and willingly regulate their families according to their own or their country's needs.
A "general objective" of the conference is "to promote the status of women and the expansion of their role, the full participation of women in the formulation and implementation of socio-economic policy, including population policies, and the creation of awareness among all women of their current and potential roles in national life."
The declaration notes also that the death rate must be lowered in most countries, that child labour and child abuse must be abolished, that maternal and infant care programmes must be expanded and the like.
The U.S. proposal by contrast was undiluted Malthusianism. A U.S. State Department policy memorandum, for example, put forth the motion that overpopulation was the root cause of nearly all the world's ills :
"Excessive global population growth widens the gap between rich and poor nations; distorts international trade ; increases the likelihood of famine in the relatively near future ; adds to environmental problems: produces unemployment; enlarges the danger of civil unrest and promotes aggressions endangering peace."
One of the best retorts to this notion, which was echoed indirectly by the USSR, was the speech by
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Huang Shu-tse of the People's Republic of China, He said, in part:
"The third world now has a population of nearly 3 billion, which is more than 70 per cent of the world's population. How to see this fact in a correct light is the first thing we must be clear about. One superpower asserts outright that there is a 'population explosion' in Asia, Africa and Latin America and that a 'catastrophe to mankind' is imminent.
"The other superpower, while pretending at some conferences to be against Malthusianism, makes the propaganda blast that 'rapid population growth is a millstone around the neck of the developing countries.' If these fallacies are not refuted, there will be no correct point of departure in any discussion on the world population . . .
AGGRESSION AND PLUNDER
"Is it owing to overpopulation that unemployment and poverty exist in many countries of the world today ? No, absolutely not. It is mainly due to aggression, plunder and exploitation by the imperialists, particularly the superpowers . . . What a mass of figures they have calculated in order to prove that population is too large, the food supply too small and natural resources insufficient!
"But they never calculate the amount of natural resources they have plundered, the social wealth they have grabbed and the superprofits they have extorted from Asia, Africa and Latin America. If an account were made of their exploitation, the truth with regard to population problems would at once be out. Their multitude of population statistics will not help them a bit either.
"The average population to a square kilometre is only 12 in Africa and 15 in Latin America. Although population density in the developing countries of Asia is a bit higher, it is nonetheless lower than in the developed countries of Western Europe.
"How can it be said then that the have-not countries are poor because of overpoulation ? They claim that poverty can be overcome' by reducing the rate of population growth. 'If so, why are there still so many jobless and underfed people in the two superpower countries where the rate of population growth is relatively low and the population density fairly small ?"
Huang Shu-tse added ; "Social imperialism asserts that 'only economic development with my aid can solve your population problem.' This is a ruse. It goes without saying that economic development is necessary for a country to emerge from poverty and solve its population problems. The point is that what social-imperialism calls 'economic development' . . . can only mean intensified control and plunder of the third world countries, with the consequent aggravation of their unemployment and' poverty."
The USSR received so much criticism that, according to the Associated Press, when Soviet Premier Aleksei Kosygin talked with Russell Peterson, chairman of the President's Council on Environmental Quality, "the two men bantered about which of their countries was receiving more 'battering' at the hands, of the developing nations represented at the UN World Population Conference."
Altogether some 3,000 delegates representing nearly every country in the world attended the conference. The final draft declaration represents a victory for the world's peoples. In essence, it calls for bettering people's lives rather than for less lives.
Guardian, New York, Sept. 11th, 1974.
China solved her food problems with a Socialist revolution
BEAVER. Nov. 26th, lfl74—Page Scvrn
HOW THE LS.E. THE CAPITALIST
CUT ITS OWN THROAT
PERVASION OF EDUCATION
AS the crisis of monopoly capitalism grows, it is inevitable that the crisis facing British education will also grow. It has been common policy of British governments to attempt to solve all such problems by cutting back on public expenditure—and that includes education.
But how do governments decide which areas of education to cut ? The responsibility is inevitably handed down to economists both within the Department of Education and Science, and without. One of the most notable withouts is to be found at the LSE.
The Higher Education Research Unit at the LSE (now the Centre for the Economics of Education), came into being in 1964. Its portfolio was to look at the economic and statistical aspects of higher education.
"Its research relates to methods of educational planning at national level, the relationship between what is provided in higher education and labour force needs,' and the costs and operation of institutes of higher education. Part of the Unit's efforts is devoted to educational planning in developing countries."
(LSE Calendar, 1973-74).
The unit has looked at: student numbers and resource allocation in higher education; supply and demand in the labour market for teachers; the role of education in "international cross-section productions functions" and a study of the Carnegie Commission on Higher Education from a European viewpoint; financial efficiency in higher education, innovation, and the economics ©f the Open University.
Nineteen books have been published, three in-1974. They include : "The Practice of Manpower Forecasting : A Collection of Case Studies" ; "The Returns to Education : An International Comparison" ; "Economical and Social Aspects of the Academic Profession"; "Costs in Universities and Polytechnics"; "Demand for Social Scientists" ; "Allocating Resources in Higher Education"; "Innovation and Efficiency in Higher Education." "University Costs and Outputs" are on the press at the moment and the unit has some 60 articles and reports already orinted in iournals. DEEP THROAT
The unit has been financed by the Nuffield Foundation (2 grants) ; the Social Science Research .Council (6) ; the Department of Education and Science (.5) ; OECD (3), the Ford Foundation (3), the former Ministry of Overseas Development (3), the Department of Employment, the former National Board for Prices and Incomes, the National Economic Development Office (3) ; the Carnegie Commission and the LSE . . . totalling some £660,000 in all.
It is obvious from this that the industry and government are entrenched up to their ears in the economics of education. It is obvious also that many of the cuts stemming from the Tory White Paper of 1972 and later endorsed by Harold Wilson stem as a direct result of research undertaken by academics at the LSE. Director Dahrendorf has put the loss for the LSE this year at £250,000 (excluding £2 million spent on Strand House which the School can no longer afford to use). The only conclusion we can reach, is that the LSE has cut its own throat!
Western economics—the Discipline of Capitalism —has pervaded every sector of society, and even education has been prodded and poked in an attempt to surround it with some sort of "economic rationale."
As LSE Professor M. Blaugh, in his book, "Economics of Education 1969" (Higher Education Research Unit) put it :
"The economics of education with its concept of human investment, has rapidly transformed large areas of orthodox economics to emerge in


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. . . preparing the way for a higher education which increasingly will become the privilege of an elite, rather than a right for all.
the 1960s a full-blown discipline in its own right." The questions being posed were ;
(1)	How much should a country spend on education and how should the expenditure be financed ?
(2)	Is education mainly investment or consumption ?
(3)	If investment, how large is its yield compared to other forms of investment in people and capital equipment ?
(4)	If consumption, what are the determinants of the private demand for more or better education ?
—in other words an analysis of the economic value of education on one hand and an analysis of the economic aspects of educational systems on the other.
SOCIAL RETURN
The discipline of educational economics has taken two main paths. Firstly in relation to the private rate of return of education to an individual.This is in the context of the expected lifetime earning of an educated individual as opposed to the uneducated, and the secondary benefits from this accruing to the state in tax, etc. Secondly, education has been examined in terms of the social rate of return.
Blaugh notes that there is possible conflict between the private demand for education as a function of prospective earnings and hence the demand from industry for educated persons, and the public supply of school places as a function of the social rate of return on educational investment.
After three years' secondary teaching, the social return had been estimated to be 12.5 per cent . . . after six years it drops to eight per cent. "These yields are not very different from the rate of return which the State has come to expect from Nationalised industries," notes Blaugh.
A closer look at Blaugh's figui'es will help us put
the present education cutbacks into social perspective.
The returns to education, says Blaugh, are not very different from what they would be if the cost was invested elsewhere. An analysis of 53 British Unit Trust Funds between 1948- and 1962, showed average return of 12 per cent before tax and eight per cent after tax—not significantly different from those of education.
The rate of return calculations will never establish whether education is a necessary or sufficient function for growth, it can only presume so.
Says Blaugh : "But it cannot be assumed that even in a fully employed economy that an extra pound sterling for education could necessarily displace an equivalent amount of investment in physical capital."
"Similarly we cannot simply multiply the cost of education by the rate of return to education to obtain a measure of education's contribution to national income."
At the same time, Blaugh estimates that 90 per cent of expenditure on teaching, research administration and building in British Higher Education is met from public funds—slightly less in the case of secondary schools.	>
Taking into account student grants, British University students bear only 25 per cent of the total cost of university education, compared with secondary-schools who bear 65 per cent of the cost. In other words, the private rate of retuni on secondary education is only a little higher than the social rate, but the private rate of return on higher education is more than twice the social rate.
MANPOWER REQUIREMENTS
So. an LSE Professor has clearly stated the capitalist criteria for cutting back University education— though his own solutions were to turn university grants into loans with interest.
We are left to draw the social implications of the exertise. Prof. Blaugh, like many sociologists, is convinced that education emerges as the single most powerful determinant of family income. At the same time, numerous studies have shown that children of educated parents who comprise most of the middle and upper classes, tend to go on to higher education in much larger numbers than working class children. At present only one in six of all university students are from working class ^backgrounds—at the LSE there are even less.
As the government cuts back on higher education and the number of places available, it is also squeezing the money local education authorities have to spend on grants. This inevitably means less working class children in universities and polytechnics, and more children whose middle class parents have the finances to back them.
Among the economic and social benefits of education. Professor Blaugh lists ; the means of ordering the occupational flexibility of the skilled manpower requirements of a growing economy; the provision of an environment to stimulate research and technology ; a tendency to encourage lawful behaviour and a responsibility for welfare activity ; a tendency to foster political stability by developing an informed electorate and competent political leadership ; a certain measure of control through a common cultural heritage.
Indeed, as a bonus to cutting its own throat, the LSE education unit, working in close collaboration with the Department of Education and Science, has prepared the way for a higher education which increasingly will become the privilege of an elite, rather than a right for all.
Christine Tilley.
FANCY CLIMBING KINGSWAY ?
If so, why not come along get involved — come along to
to a preliminary meeting to talk about the possibilities of a Rag Week at LSE.
If you've any CRAZY IDEAS, if you've had experience of organising rags, if you want to
Room S.lOla on THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 28th from 12 noon onwards.
TONY BROWN
(Ents.)
BANNER BOOKS & CRAFTS
for Progressive Literature— !\larx, Engels, Stalin, Lenin and Mao wiUi books from Vietnam and .'Vlbania—and stationery
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DEAR ED
THESE are the essential questions that must be faced in any discussion of China today.
(1)	Organisation of production. Is it a lot of small producers for a commodity market ? How is the surplus redistributed for socialist development ?
(2)	Party and the people. Is the theory of democratic centralism applied ? Has
the cultural revolution destroyed the Party's links with the people, replacing them with Army power ?
(3)	Can the organisation of communes alone constitute a socialist revolution (cf. Israel).
(4)	Has a petit-bourgeoise class been in political ascendancy ? Hence their policy on Banglade.sh, Chile, Sudan and their support of
divisory splinter groups elsewhere and the limitation of aid to Vietnam on the basis of "self-sufficiency".
(5)	Their anti - Soviet Third-Worldish posturings.
(6)	Are slogans such as "Put politics before everything" or "From the masses to the masses" indicative of a
. party based on Marxist-Leninist principles ?
JOHN CARNESON
I
BEAVER. Nov. 26th, 1974—Page Eight
THE hag that lives in the deepest and gloomiest part of the legal forest would seem to be the conspiracy laws. Much is rumoured, but little is known for certain about her. Some say that she arrived in the 19th century "Conspiracy Act," some that she was born of an unholy alliance of Government and employers to poison the workers. Her powers, fearful whispering groups say, are immense, perhaps infinite.
It all. began a long time ago, when witches were being rolled down hillsides in spiked barrels. In fact, in 1304, It was a modest beginning, to deal with aspects of abuse of legal procedure, conspiracy actually meaning what the lay person thinks it should mean. The crime was made ward of the Court of Star Chamber, but its growth was not stunted when that court was abolished.
It is now a common law offence, a judge-made offence, not to be found in a statute : so there is no set of words defining it, and no particular concept which is used to limit it.
In legal theory, it is one of three common law crimes leading up to a complete offence which can be charged if the complete offence isn't actually committed. For example, if a man plans to rob a safe, gets into the office with his mask and a sack marked 'swag' and then finds he's left the, safecutter at home, he can be done for an attempt to steal, though not for stealing. Conspiracy, like attempt and incitement, can only be charged if the full offence does not take place. Or so the theory goes.
To be convicted of conspiracy, there doesn't have to be anything resembling the die-
Whose conspiracy!
tionary description of a conspiracy. There needn't be an agreement. There needn't even be a nodding acquaintance with the fellow "conspirators." Witness the Chicago 7, the Shrewsbury 24 and others. There just has to be a common purpose, which can be evinced by all kinds of evidence about the defendants' lifestyles, evidence which would not be allowed if complete crimes were being charged.
Quite handy if the defendants face a variety of charges and the conspiracy ones are dropped at the close of the prosecution's case so that the jury hears a lot of things it wouldn't normally hear.
You cannot make a conspiracy all by yourself; that would be playing with words into the realm of make believe. Or would it ? You can be convicted of conspiring "with persons unknown," and it has happened that a man has been convicted when the only other conspirator was acquitted on a "technicality,"
You have to have conspired to do something, but, far from limiting the possibilities of the crime, it adds manure to the judges' fertile minds. You can conspire to commit any crime—from high treason to a parking offence. Or you might conspire to do a civil wrong, like trespassing.
Squatters used to be fairly
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Send us a postal order (or cheque) now before you forget.
J. Arnold Ltd.
89 Edgware Rood,
London W2.

COIJS
FOR A GOOD SAFE BAHG.
safe from police harassin but there is no reasojvf this should be so afterft enlightened patriarchs in guardians of England'sl* fairness in the Housii Lords, led by one Q, Ig! had a go at some Sierraai nese students who tookjfi their High Commissionr couple of hours. !
Not just trespass biitat tort inflicting "morel: purely nominal damage] i invading the 'public doiit (What is the publicd main ?), It is not as ta( the law is providing areiw where previously there none, because there a plenty of opportunities lir person to bring a civil acio Why should the crimirallo intervene ?
And then there are cosj racies to do things whtdia not covered by any kiol law. Matters of moralsai politics and personal rej dices. They've inventedan rich and imaginative nan-
Howg
your c
ONE of the few direct ptwe that students have in theitco slant battle to obtain ;o( teaching in classes has let sadly neglected and nui ignored. IF YOUR CLAS TEACHER IS BAD,ORGAHIS A TRANSFER OF ALL TH STUDENTS IN THAT CLAS TO OTHER CLASSES, Tl message will quickly g through to the "authorilie that they have a liability.
Why is this so ? Firstly, tl School is employing sonieoi whose job has literally \vaik< away. Secondly, the otherstc will complain about the fsct: work-load they are camin Thirdly, students in the diss that have been moved into.w: complain about overcrovcin And fourthly, there is inipi; able empirical evidence th)-'' is a bad class teacher,
Whilst Departments ca d fleet criticism about staff mer bers into unending comrattec or a "few words with the (lap there is no way they canier the figures. They may i17 ¦ provide excuses, but wheunn staff inside that DepartmenHa: also complaining, -the chaioe ^ a remedy is much enhancel
Another aspect, if not tl aspect of classes that is alno never jtlebated, is what arethf for, what is the best war . running them ?
I propose that a class is fiistl to clear up any (or most) the difficulties arising in le tures; secondly, to establidi firm grasp of the basics of tl subject area and finally, to el borate- on the subject area you feel that the class isju reflecting an irrelevant siilje*
/¦
Powers of arrest without warrant
Police powers are extensive and obscure-non-resistance may be the better part of valour'
for those crimes ; how about a conspiracy to corrupt public ¦ morals ? or to outrage public decency ?
It was convicted of the last two, for publishing adverts from homosexuals, the court clarifying the rather murky legal position by explaining that while homosexuality was no longer illegal, it was not quite legal. That and a few other cases are Lord Longford's wildest dreams come true. The careful bounds of the Obscene Publications Act can be discarded in an orgy of Puritanism.
The idea that conspiracy should not be used where the full offence has been committed was formally abandoned at the Angry Brigade appeal, where that well -known liberal thinker, Lawton L. J., said that conspiracy can be charged where there is insufficient evidence linking the defendants with particular crimes. Well, if there is insufficient evidence . . . ? He also said that the jury do not have to make known how far they think each defendant was involved in the conspiracy. All the evidence is in front of the judge and he can
make the sentences reflect the degree of involvement. But aren't juries supposed to decide questions of fact ? Any number of accusations can be included in one conspiracy charge and the jury verdict does not indicate how many they think the person in the dock is guilty of. Peter Hain could have been guilty of between one and 147 "unlawful activities."
Parliament may have decided in its infinite wisdom that some actions should be civil but not criminal wrongs ; it may have decided that some actions should not be covered by any sort of law ; it may feel that only a small sentence, or a fine, ought to be imposed for certain behaviour. But this needn't inhibit the judge and prosecutor who have artistic flair or zeal in the pursuit of justice. Hanging has been abolished (well, almost—see Lord Hailsham's views on the matter) so the judge is a little restricted in punishing. But a colourful mind, a nifty pen and a proper fear of hob-goblins under the bed, and he can find a crime to fit anyone.
MICHELLE GANDA
THIS is intended to be one of a series of articles giving information on your legal rights over a wide range of affairs. If you do have any legal problems advice is given free of charge on Mondays and Fridays in Room S101A from 1 p.m. until 2 p.m.
I must begin with a warning. Police powers are subject to endless exceptions, in Acts of Parliament and Local Acts (having force in particular areas of the country). It is hard, therefore, to generalise, but this article will spotlight the main points. Generally powers of arrest ar.s based on statute. Although every citizen has a power to arrest without warrant police powers go beyond those .of the ordinary citizen. As these powers are extensive and obscur.e: non-resistance may be the better part of valour. Theoretically abuses can' be taken up later, but this is not often very effective.
In 1967 criminal offences were divided into arrestable and non-arrestable offences, arrestable ones being those for which the sentence may on first conviction be five years imprisonment or more, and attempts to commit such offences. An exception to this is the talking of a car for a joyride. This is an arrestable offence, though only punishable with up to three years' imprisonment. It is therefore not surpiising that it isn't common knowledge which
particular offences are arrestable.
Any person may arrest without. warrant anyone who is, or whom he with reasonable cause suspects to be in the act of committing an arrestable offence. Also, if an arrestable offence has actually been committed, whether by the person arrested or not, any person may arrest anyone whom he with reasonable cause suspects to be guilty of the offence. If, however, no arrestable offence has actually been committed only an arrest by a police officer (not a citizen) on grounds of reasonable suspicion will be d.eem.ed lawful. Also only a police officer may arrest anyone whom he, with reasonable cause, suspects to be about to commit an arrestable offence. Indiscriminate use of the citizens' powers of arrest must be discouraged. . The perpetrator of an unlawful arrest is liable to be sued for damages arising from false imprisonment.
A request by a police officer that a person accompany him to the police station is not an arrest. At any arrest the person must be. informed of the true ground for his arrest. A policeman must not I'emain silent, or give a -false reason. There are exceptions to the rule. If the circumstances are such that the suspect must surely know of the reason for the arrest, i.e., caught red-handed I the arrest" is lawful. Alternatively, if. say, one at-
BEAVER, Nov. 26th. 1974—Pagre mat
tacks a police officer, thus preventing him giving reasons for his arrest, it will not be an unlawful arrest. Technical language need not be used by the arrester provided that the substance of the reasons for arrest is conveyed . to the arrested person.
One who is unlawfully arrested may use reasonable force to free himself. This may be perilous, however, because the courts may deem that excessive force by the resister has been used. Also the courts are not likely to hold that every mistaken arrest by the police is unreasonable and unlawful.
An example of special wide powers is the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, s. 23(2). "If a constable has any reasonable grounds to suspect that any person is in possession of a controlled drug in contravention of this Act or of any regulations made thereunder, the constable may search any person, and detain him for the purpose of searching him." Here there is no element of arrest involved, it is a stop and search provision.
On a final note, an arrest by a policeman by virtue of an arrest warrant is never unlawful. But a general warrant, not naming the person to be arrested or not giving adequate particulars of the offence is illegal at common law.
For further reading, see, Harry Street, "Fi-eedom, the Individual and the Law".
RKP
}od are
?
the recourse is a Student-Staff' Committee and a set of proposals to change the lectures.
The best way of running a class depends on the subject. Lawyers and lately the first-year economists spend their hour answering a list of pre-handed-out questions. The Government Department, like many others, stays with the traditional method of "reading a paper". This, unless handled properly, can be a disaster. Reading an essay out is not the same as presenting a paper. The glazed look that is present over every-ones anaesthetised faces by the end of the first, charged-through paragraph, may be a relief to the reader, but is the only benefit anyone will derive from the , exercise.
A class paper is the starting-point for discussions, and they should be written to allow this. Talking to class teachers, they, like many students, loathe being trapped in a class where nobody has done any reading, everyone is acutely embarrassed and silence becomes devalued. What is needed is some work done by some of the students, and a commitment to vocal contributions—if the opportunity to indulge in public speaking is not taken up in these advantageous circumstances, they may be gone for ever.
Little things, as the song goes, mean a lot. Seating arrangements that force the discussion to go through the class teacher are barriers to a smooth flow. Classes grouped around tables, instead of being scattered to the corners of a room filled with trendy uncomfortable easy chairs, seem to work far better.
The relevance of the subject to the life the student is living is of high value. Economics does not exist in an academic vacuum but in a student grant (although I admit a difficulty with historj'). The phrasing of questions can stimulate or kill interest. An example of the former is : "Frankly, I'd like to see the Government get out of the war industry altogether and leave the whole field to private industry" (Joseph Heller ("Catch 22"). How extensive should be the role of government ? You've probably met the latter kind of question.
Continual assessment, to many students, is as bad as exams. The rush to say something, anything, even when one is feeling lousy is a bullshit-spotter's idea of paradise. The class teachers themselves are often not too keen on the surreptitious marking they have to indulge in. It seems to be; back to essays. The problem here is that a maximum workload per subject, per year, of five is sometimes threatened. If that is not the case, the "required reading" Would- only take a week for each subject. 'Whilst it's right that exhaustive reading lists should be supplied, indications of true essentiality, should be made.
The final point turns round, should the class teacher and the lecturer be the same person ? In favour is the observation that the class teacher could at first hand rectify any confusions that have cropped up in the lecture. Against are the following : the class will suffer from having the same point of view and the person doing the teaching may become lazy or be bored by the whole process, and the students cannot easily register dissent about the lecturer to him. The problem, however, may only be solvable in terms of the teacher's personality.
As usual, we hope for some 'feedback. Perhaps this is something that Student-Staff Committees can look into.
BEAVER. Nov. 261h, 19T4—Page Ten
ZIONISM—another
... The tent sefllenients of the Palestinian refugets spread far over the barren sands. Driven off their land by Zionist invaders, who made it their own 'living space', hundereds of thousands of Arabs barely manage to keep" alive vfith the help of iharitable organizations. Their children, wholly absorbed in getting hold of a crust of bread, do not attend school and know none of the joys of youth. A whole generation of Arabs who have never seen their homeland have been born and brought up in exile.
Four limes war flared up in the Middle East in less than two decades. Overrunning Arab settlements. Israeli troops left ruin and ashes in their wake. Anguish and suffering followed them everywhere they went. Since ;Tiercy is unknown to Zionism.
Zionism becamc a political movement among the Jewish bourgeoisie at the end of tho 19th century when, with the advent of imperialism, elass antagonisms were shaiply aggravated. The spiritual father of the movement was Theodor Herze, then on the editorial staff of the 'Neue Freie Presse', a newspaper published in Vienna. Born in t^ie family of a rich merchant, he became completely assimilated, changing his Jewish name to an Austrian one - Theodor Herzl. Although he knew neither the Hebrew language, nor Jewish history, Herzl became the ideologist of Jewish nationalism.
Capitalizing on a favourable situation which had developed after the notorious case of Alfred f^reyfus, a captain in the French General Start who was unjustly accused by the Anti-Semites of spying for Germany and who in 1894 was sentenced to penal servitude for life, Herzl published his book. 'The •lewish State' (1895). In it he called on the Jews not to sit and wait for the Messiah to come, but to quickly resettle "the land promised to them by God' and establish a Jewish national state there.
As the main argument in favour of a mass emigration of Jews to Palestine Herzl advanced what he called universal and uncontrollable anti-Semitism, since be believetl that the peoples among which the Jews lived weie all either openly or secretly anti-.Semitic. This essentially fallacious view was promptly boriowed and upheld by Herzl's followers. Thus, Chaim Weizmann, then a chemistry professor at an English university, maintained that the anti-Semitism is a bacillus Which every man carries with him everywhere, regardless of his assurance to the contrary.
This nationalist view was sharply challenged by l.enin. He exposetl the reactionary nature of anti-Semitism and pointed out 'the link that undoutedly exists between anti-Semitism and the interests of the bourgeois, and not of the working-class sections, of the population . . . l.enin ridiculed the "Zionist fable about anti-Semitism being eternal."
In 1897 Herzl's followers and supporters held their fust international congress in Basle. Switzerland, which
gave birth to the World Zionist Organization (WZO). The organization owed its name to Mount Zion, a hill at the edge of Jerusalem, on which, according to the Bible, King David, that semi-legendary ruler of Judah, had his residence. The Temple of Jerusalem which became the centre of Judaism built there during the reign of David's son. King Solomon.
UNITE
The WZO accepts no individuals as members. When set up, it unites, and continues to unite, various political groups and parties from the fascist-type Herut to the self-styled labour and even socialist ones like MAPAl and MAPAM. The periodically convened Zionist Congress delegates to which are appointed by the leaders of Zionist organizations in different countries, is the WZO's supreme body. Originally, congresses were held every year, but later the intervals between them grew longer, until today they are convened once every four years. The Congress elects the World Zionist Council which forms the executive committee with representatives both in New York an 1 Jerusalem. The WZO has its branches in more than 60 countries.
From the outset the WZO adopted •hidaism as its ideology. Both the myths invented by Judaic priests •about the .lews being God's chosen people, about the Promised Land and the rising from ruins on Mount Sinai of a temple destroyed by Romans in 73 A.D.. and the efforts of the rabbis to preserve the isolation of Jewish communities fully accorded with the political aims of Zionist leaders. By applying religious dogmas, to politics. Zionists seek to show national discord among the working people. They extend the Judaic thesis about the Jews being God's chosen people to claim that the Jews are a 'noble Race', 'the piire.st race among the civilised nations of the world.' Having reconstructed a 14th century treatise written by Talmudic sages, they now use it for a religious book of instruction, in Israeli schools.' It tells the pupils that the Jews are 'mankind's elite' and 'that people of other nationalities should be .slaves to the .Tews'.
EXCLUSIVEMESSI
Zionist propaganda claims that besides the 'historical exclusiveness' of the Jewish race, the Jews possess greater ability and enterprise than the average Europeon - to say nothing of Asian and African peoples. This gives rise to the far-reaching conclusion that people of other races or nationalities are bound to envy the Jews and to fear them because of their inability, in equal situations, to compete with them. This, it is claimed, is responsible for the bitter hatred they arouse. Such theories are unscientific and conflict with history, since no race can remain pure in the course of many centuries contact with other peoples. Therefore attempt to prove "racial purity' are absurd.
As for the Jews, their forebeap's. who came to Palestine from the Arabian desert around t30<> BC.,
mixed freely with the indigenous population of Palestine, the Canaan-ites. Although a thousand years later the Judaic priesthood forbade mixed marriages, it was too late': the process of 'God's chosen people' mixing with the natives had gone so fai" as to become irreversible. In any event, it did not stop despite the ban. Furthermore, in the 6th century B.C., after Babylonia conquered Judah, the Jews began to leave their homes and settle elsewhere in the world. The exodus increased particularly after the Romans seized Palestine. The Jews were finally expelled from Palestine by the Romans following a major Jewish uprising in 132-135 .A.D. They settled in many countries of Europe, Asia and Africa. And though, the rabbis, in an effort to presei'^'e their influence and income, persistently opposed mixed marriages, and damned the apostates, threatening them with terrible punishment in the next world, and organising ghettos, they of course failed to completely keep their flock from falling.
The Zionists needed the myth of racial purity to justify their claim that class distinctions were alien to the Jewish nation. According to them, property status makes no difference to Jews: they are all one family within the bounds of one nation: they are all brothers and friends united by common interests ; together they oppose the hostile peoples surrounding them, and together they uphold their common interests.
Thus in Tsarist Russia, for instance, according to Zionist logic, it was not the workers of Russian, Ukrainian, Polish and other nation-alites who were the friends and brothers of the Jewish workers, but the sugar manufacturer Brodsky, the bankers Ginsberg, Kaminka, and the Brothers, Polyakov, the tea king Vysotsky, the Franco-British millionaire family of Rothschild, the German capitalist Oskar Wasser-mann the US financial magnates, Jakob H. .Schiff, Henry Morgenthau. Bernard Deutsch, Otto Warburg and others who invested capital in Russia's industry and received tremendous dividends.
The idea of class peace .so advantageous to the Jewish bourgeoisie was most favourably viewed by the none-Jewish bourgeoisie who were no less interested in substituting national antagonisms for class ones.
In their effort to prove a lack of distinctions among Jews, and the existence of a world Jewish nation, the Zionists adopted an absurd definition of 'nation'. According to them, a nation is a community of people united by struggle against a common enemy. This definition would make all the peoples . involved in war against Napoleon's France or against Nazi Germany a single nation.
Equally absurd was the Zionist's attempt to declare Jews all over the world a single nation on the basis of Judaism, allegedly the common religion of them all. In the first place, not all Jews believe in Yahweh and profe.ss Judaism. In the second place, beliefs and convictions do not determine nationality ; otherwise, all Catholics. Lutherans and Buddhists.
would have to be considered one nation.
However, there is no 'world' Jewish nation which the Zionists claim to represent, nor was there ever such a nation. In those far-off days when the majority of the Jews lived as a more or less compact community they, like other ethnic groups, could not become a 'World Nation', or even an ordinary one, because there were no stable economic ties between them, which is an important condition for the emergence^ of a nation. Later, dispersed all over the world and having lost, such national characteristics as common territory, a common language and common psychological traits, the Jews were deprived of the requisites necessary for the making of a nation. At their 16th Congress Israeli communists condemned the reactionary, unrealistic Zionist theory that the Jews of the world, living in different countries and under different go> ernments, present a single nation despite the lack of common economy, territory, culture, language and customs.
NON-SOCIALIST
Marxist-Leninists resolutely opposed the attempts of the Zionists to break up the working-class move^ ment with national partitions and to distinguish the Jews from other peoples. They rejected the theory of a single world Jewish community and a world Jewish nation. In his article 'The Positio-n of the Bund In the Party' Lenin wrote :
. . The idea that the Jews form a separate nation is reactionary politically.'
Lenin considered Zionist efforts to fence off the Jews from the other peoples to be wrong. He suggested that the most favourable and convenient way for the Jews themselves would be their gradual and voluntary assimilation with the peoples among whom they were living, including adoption of their language, mores and customs.
'That is precisely," he wrote, 'what the Jewish problem amounts to; assimilation or isolation? - and the idea of a Jewish 'nationality' is is definitely reactionary not only when expounded by its consistent advocates (the Zionists), but likewise on the lips of those who try to combine it with the ideas of .Social-Democracy (the Bundists). The idea of a Jewish nationality runs counter to the interests of the Jewish pro-leteriat, for it fosters among them, directly or indirectly, a spirit hostile to assimilation, the spirit of the 'ghetto'.
Lehin also vigorously attacked the Zionist view on national and cultural autonomy for the Jews, whose exponents he called 'instruments of bourgeoise nationalism among the workers;'
In critizing the Bundists, who claimed the role of defenders of the interests of the Jewish working people. Lenin wrote ;
NATIONAL CULTURE
"Whoever, directly or indirectly, puts forward the slogan of Jewish 'national culture" is (whatever his good intentions maybe) an enemy of proletariat, a supporter of all that is outmoded and connected with caste among the Jewish people ; he is an accomplice of the rabbis and the bourgeoisie. On the other hand, those Jewish Marxists who mingle with the Russian. Lithuanian, Ukrainian and other workers in International .Marxist organizations.
and make their contribution (both in Russian and Yiddish) towards creating the international culture of the working-class movement - Those jews, despite the seperatism of the Bund, uphold the best tratlitions vif Jewry by fighting the slogan of 'national Culture'.
Jewish history has been developing in accordance with the general laws of historical develbpement, in the process of the class str.uggle bei-tween the exploiters and the exploited. No arguments of a religious, racial or nationalistic nature can substan*-tiate the groundless Zionist a.ssertions that the Jews are the exception to the rule, that to them neither property status, class distinctions, nor class struggle are of any consequence.
'Among the Jews there ajre workpeople, and they form the majority.' Lenin wrote, 'They are our brothers, who like us, are oppressed by capital; they are our comrades in the struggle for socialism. Among the Jews theie art? the kulaks, exploiters and capitalist,. iust as there are among the Russians, and among people of all nations. The capitalists strive to sow and ferment hatred between workers of diiferent faiths, different nations a .d different races. Those who do not work are kept in power and strengh of capital. Rich Jews, like rich Russians, and the rich in all countries, are in alliance to oppress, crush, rob and disunite workers.'
The methods used by the Zioni.sts in winning over a condiscrable part of the Jewish poor are rcnujiiscent of those used by the Nazis 'who, while upholding the interests of the oligarchy, managed, by means of demagogy . deception, and inflated national sentiments, to enlist the mass support of the petty-bourgeois and working sections of the German people. In both cases anti-Semitism Wiis used to advantages; only the Nazis incited it, and the Zionists exploited the results. In makmg false promises of an earthly paradise in the Holy Land, they used the bogey of anti-Semitism to intimidate innocent people. They rightly regarded it as one of their chief propoganda cards, and happily capitalised on the slightest manifestation of it. They had every reason to consider that anti-Semites added grist to the Zionist mill.
ZIONISTS HELP NAZIS
Theodor Herzl was one of tJie first to view anti-Semitism in a positi.ve light. "I've come to regaKl anti-Semitism more broadly,' he wrote in his diary. 'Historically, J'rri beginning to understand and even forgive it. Moreover. 1 recognise the futility and uselcssne.ss of fighting anti-•Semitism. A powerful ai>d rather subconscious force, it is not harmful to the Jews. I consider it a useful factor in the developement of Jewish individuality.'
Another ideologist of Zionism, Russian-born Vladimir J»botinsky, who founded the ultra-Risht Herut party and whom the Zionists idealised after his death, wrote in 1905 : 'A.S an argument in Zlooist propaganda anti-Semitism, cspi-ckiHy its a principle is of course very convenient and u.seful.'
In keeping with these theories, the followers of Herzl and Jabo-tinsky have invariably relied cn anti-Semitism in carrying on propaganda among the Jews. To carry, greater conviction they have even been prepared to provoke instances of anti-Semitism. For example, Ben-Gurion. a Zionist leader and later Israel's first Prirne Minister, organised through Zionist agents, the blowing-up of a synagogue in Baghdad with the purpose of furnishing proof of the persecution of the Jews in Iraq and justifying (fee persecution of
BEAVI'Jl, Nov. 26th, 1974—Page Eleven
word for —NAZISM
Arabs in Israel. He stated cynically that he would like to send specially picked young mm to countries of Jewish niass settlements to promote anti-Semitic campaigns which would be more effective in getting Jews to emigrate to Israel than the call of the 'ancient homeland".
Zionists see every Jew as a supporter, eager to return to the 'land of his forefathers'. According to the logic of Zionists and that of the Rabid anti-Semitic pogromists, all Jews are either Pro-Zionist or Pro-communist.
EMIGRATION
For a long time the scope of Jewish emigration to Palestine remained absolutely negligible despite all lures and persuasion, and the support of capitalist countries, Between 1897 and 1918, for instance, the ratio of the Jewish population in Palestine grew from 5 to 10 percent only. Zionisit propagandists did not attain much success either with vivid description of 'an earthly paradise' in the ancient homeland or appeals to nationalist sentiments and the call of the blood.
People prepared to seek happiness in a strange land with an unfamiliar and haxd physical conditions ¦ were not many. Even 15 years later, in the early 30's the Jeiwish community barely made up 19 per cent of Palestine's population.
However, what the itionists recruiting agents failed to achieve wa.<i done by Nazi terror. Rabid Nazi anti-Semitism and the wave of pogroms which Germany late on November 9th, 1938, (ironically, that night was called Crystal Night, because the streets were covered with glass from the windows of Jewish shops and flats) to the Zionists were a blessing in disguise. In just the three yeai-s that Hitler was in power from 1933 to 1936, the Jewish community in Palestine increased by 50 per cent. When the Second World War began the influx of Jewish immigrants became particulary large. As the Nazis conquered more and more countries, the number of Jewish refugees grew.
NON-CO-OPERATION
Different Zionist organizations, working in contact with the Nazis sent the refugees to Palestine, refusing to co-operate with, and even hindering those who wished to go to another country. Levi Esbkol the future Israel head of government (his name was Lev Shkolnik when he left Russia with his parents for Palestine in 1913), took an active part in setting up the Palestine Office in Berlin. This office sorted out Jewish refugees to be sent to their ancient homeland, selecting first of all Zionist activists, well-to-do men and young people. The departure of old men and women and poor people to Palestine was delayed under a host of pretexts. The extent to which the cynicism of the selectors went can be judged from the reply of the head of the World ZionivSt Organization, Chaim Wcizmann, to some British M.P.'s who asked him whether it would be possible to move all the West European Jews to Palestine. 'No', he replied, 'old people are out... They are dust, the economic and moral dust of the greater world ...'
This is how Zionist leaders treat in deeds, and not in words - such conceptions as the unity, brotherhood and community of interests of the Jews which they expatiate on in their propaganda.
It was the Zionist leaders who insisted that the US Department of the Interior refuse permission to Jewish refugees from Europe to settle in Alaska. Simultaneously, they managed to persuade the British authorities to forbid Jewish emigration to Western Australia.
In the face of the threat physical extermination of the enth-e Jewish Ix>pulation of Germany, the Zionists 'ftuardians' of the Jews were not conccrned about saving the lives of German Jews - they were only interested in expanding the Jewish colony in Palestine. They vigorously protested when the US President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, expressed readiness to give asylum to half a million Jewish refugees from Europe. They insisted that only one door be open to the emigrants - to Palestine. They zealously saw to it that the victims of the Nazi terror would get no other possibility of escape except to the Promised Land.
After the Second World War Zionist agnts continued just as zealously to obstruct Jews from going anywhere but Palestine. They reached agreement with the American and British authorites that Jews in 'displac-ed persons' camps would have only one road to take - to the Promised Land.
As a result of the above mentioned coercive measures, by 1948 the Jewish community in Palestine numbered over 600,000 or one third of the population. This was also a result of the atrocities perpetrated by the Nazis, who acted in partnership with the Zionists, as well as the use of deception and brute force rather than the call of the 'ancient homeland" or the appeal of Zionist ¦propaganda.
CLASS CHARACTER
Facts disclose the class character of Zionism and show whom it actually serves. In its entire history numbering three quarters of a century Zionism has never, in any circumstances, put forward or supported slogans on the Jewish workers to struggle against the exploitation of the Jewish capitalists. The Zionists have never anywhere raised their voice in defence of Jewish workers against Jewish bankers, merchants and manufacturers. By substituting nationalist issues for class struggle against the exploitation they did considerable harm to the cause of the liberation of Jewish workers from capitalist oppression.
In the revolutionary movement in Russia, for instance, Zionist leaders demonstratively stood aside, cynically stating in one of their policy papers that the Russian revolution would not solve the Jewish problem even for the Jews of Russia. Such a stand could not fail to meet with the approval of the tsarist police. One of its chiefs, Zubatov, urged the police department to support the Zionists in every way.
Having duly appraised the Zionists' theories, the tsarist Minister of Internal Affairs and organizer of the Jewish pogrom in Kishinev. Pleve, received Herzl in 1903 and had a long and friendly talk with him. He completely approved the Zionists desire to set up an organization- in Russia and promised to secure the 'royal approval of the monarch.'
The fact that Zionists actively cooperated with the anti-revolutionaries is highly indicative. One of the Zionist activists, a lawyer named Hessen, maintained close ties with the Monarchists. After the October
1917 socialist revolution he associated with White Guards, and did his best to justify the Jewish pogroms they organized.
During the civil war in Russia another Zionist leader. Pasmanik, urged Jews to cooperate with counterrevolutionary forces. When Soviet power was consolidated, he fled to Paris, where he took part in planning new anti-Soviet military ventures.
COLLABORATORS
The Zionists maintained close ties with fascist regimes of Pilsudski in Poland, with Mussolini in Italy, and Antonescu in Rumania. They even reached agreement with the Nazis. According to Julius Mader, a German journalist, the list of the Zionists who collaborated with the Nazis consists of 16 close-typed pages. Many years later it transpired that dealings with the Nazis were entered into by such Ziomst leaders as Chaim Wdzmann, the first president of Israel, Moshe Sharett, his ^successor, David Ben-Gurion, late Prime Minister of Israel and Rudolf Kastner, the Hungarian Zionist leader.
Zionists closely cooperated with SS Obersturmbannfuhrer Adolf Eichmann and SS Standartenfuhrer Kurt Becher, two of Hitler's henchmen who organised mass killings of Jews. Early in 1939, long before Hitler planned his final solution of the Jewish question, Zionists made a deal with Eichmann according to which the Nazis were to let a train of Jews leave for Palestine. The passengers on that train had been carefully selected and included Zionist activists and Jewish capitalists. In return for that favour Zionist leaders helped Eichmann to select 40,000 people from the Jewish poor and workers and send them to extermination camps. It is easy to see why Eichmann took a favourable view to Zionist activities.
According to the West German magazine, 'Der Speigel', the chief of the Jewish Affairs Department of the Nazi intelligence service, von Mindel-stein cooperated with the Zionists in setting up special camps where young Jewish people were trained in farm work before they were sent to Palestine. Von Mindelstein closely followed Zionist propaganda. He even had a map in his department showing the spread of Zionism among the German Jews.
A most vivid example of cooperation between the Zionists and the Nazis are dealings conducted by Rudolf Kastner. the head of the Hungarian branch of the Jewish agency and permanent delegate to the International Zionist Congress, and his assistants, including Grosz-Bandy Gyorgy, Moshe Schweinger, Moshe Kraus, Joel Brandt and his wife. They arranged with Eichmann and Becher to ransom Zionist activists and rich Jews held captive by the Nazis at a 1000 dollars each. The deal was to be kept secret. Zionist talk of a lack of class distinctions among Jews, 'racial unity" and unbreakable brotherhood' was forgotten at once. Afterwards Kastner admitted that train accommodation was offered first to all those who could pay the most in money or valuables.
The deal netted the Nazis 200,000 . dollars. 200 kilograms of gold, and 750 grams of platinum, to say nothing of other valuables and currencies. However Kastner and company paid more than just 'filthy lucre' to save the lives of their associates. In those days hundreds of thousands of Hungarian Jews were concentrated in camps from which they were ^ent to Oswiecim to be exterminated. The
camps were only a few miles away from the Rumanian border, and Rumania had already capitulated under the pressure of advancing Soviet armed forces. Had the inmates known that they were condemned to die they would have tried to escape, and it is not likely that the small force posted to guard them could have successfully stopped them. Eno Levai, a Hungarian historian, writes :
'Undoubtedly, if the hundreds of thousands of Hungarian Jews had known what fate awaited them, if they had been told abou,t this, the Nazis would not have been able to herd them, like cattle into the ghettos, and from there, just as easily into the death trains. They had not been informed by anyone; on the contrary Jewish organizations, including the Jewish Agency, reassured them and urged them to comply with all the requests in order to avoid a greater evil.'
This was the price that the Hungarian Zionist leaders willingly paid to rescue the businessmen who financed them and their disciples.
VOICE OF ISRAEL
When the state of Israel came into being. Kastner was given a responsible post in the Ministry of Industry and Trade. He was also put in charge of Kol-Israel (the Voice of Israel) Broadcasting to Hungary and Rumania.
In 1953 Kastner sued a Journalist, M. Greenwald, 'for libel': in his articles Greenwald had lifted the shroud of secrecy from Kastner's treacherous activities in Hungary. Examined at a Jerusalem court the case finally backfired against Kastner. The testimony of witnesses and the authentic documents showed him to have been in collusion with the Nazis. At another trial held in Budapest in May 1955 Kastner was conclusively exposed as a Nazi col-laborater. When cornered, he admitted having collaborated with Eichmann, Becher and other killers of Jews. His frankness, however, cost him his life. On May 3, 1957, he was shot at in the street, and died in an Israeli hospital under somewhat obscure circumstances. During investigation of the shooting it was found that two of the three assailants were agents of the Israeli secret service. The Zionist leaders had succeeded in silencing their over-talkative associate.
Kastner was no exception among Zionists. S. Mayer, the head of the Zionist branch in Switzerland, also ransomed his associates from the Nazis. He did this through SS Sturm-bannfuhrer Hans Eggen. The SS used the large sums turned over to Eggen to buy strategic materials, transport means and military equipment.
JUDENRATS
A monstrous phenomenon was the cooperation of the Zionist organisation, the so-called Judenrats, with the Nazis. They helped the Nazi killers to enforce their order in the ghettos; they made up lists of inmates condemned to death; they built up 'an exchange fund" of persons to be exchanged for Zionist activists whenever the latter were included by the SS in the lists of persons marked for extermination. The Lwow Judenrat in the Ukraine included such Jewish capitalists as Heinrich Landsberg, Joseph Parnas, Eineugler and Adolf Ratfield. It had. an administrative apparatus of about 3,000 and a police force of 750 men armed with rubber clubs. The latter helped SS-men to keep discipline in the ghetto and to
herd the condemned prisoners into vehicles to be taken out and shot.
However assuming that those who betrayed their own kith and kin could also betray them, the Nazis eventually abolished the Judenrats and their Jewish police. But that disgraceful collaboration with the Nazi murders remains one of the more hideous chapters in the history of Zionism.
The story of Dr. Alfred Nossig, a veteran of the Zionist movement, was somewhat different from that of Judenrat leaders. For many years he was a Gestapo informer and together with the Nazis worked out plans for exterminating poor and old Jews. He was 80 years old when he was captured, charged with treason, and executed by Warsaw ghetto militants.
Towards the end of the war, when it became clear that the Nazis would have to soon answer for their crimes, important Zionists readily entered into talks with them concerning their future plans, and relations. Gestapo and Nazi .security chiefs began meeting with N. Masur, G. Storch, the-u Sternbuch brothers and other Zionist leaders. Himmler received Masur in his office; and he tried to ingratiate himself with H. Storch, the Stockholm representative of the World Jewish Congress, in the hope of securing his protection in the future. Himmler promised Dr. Mussy, a former President of Switzerland who mediated between Himmler and the Zionists to let small groups of Jews go to Switzerland according to lists made up by the Zionists. The transaction was to be paid for in foreign currency. In an effort to minimize the retribution coming to his chief, SS Brigadenfuhrer Walter Schellenberg, one of Himmler's right-hand men, wrote several articles printed in US newspapers, with the help of the organization of American rabbis, praising the modesty and respectability of Heinrich Himmler.
The Zionists did not fail the Nazis. Thanks to their Zionist protectors quite a few Nazis cscaped the hangman's noose. For instance, when after the war SS Obergruppenfuhrer Hans Juttner, SS Standartenfuhrer Kurt Becher, SS Obergruppenfuhrer Hermann Krumey and several other SS fuhrers were tried by the US Nurem-burg tribunal, the testimony of witnesses for the defence sent by Zionist organizations saved the lives of these criminals. Obviously a key factor here was that prior to his arrest Becher turned two trunks with gold and precious stones over to Moshe Schweitzer, who sent them, through the Palestinian representative of the Jewish agency, Arman, to the Agency's treasurer, Kaplan. These dealers were not abashed by the fact that the gold and stones had come from the SS account in the Reichsbank and had been supplied by the death camps. Oswiecim alone yielded the SS nine tons of gold teeth every year.
It is a bitter paradox that, perhaps, it was with these funds that the Jad Washem Memorial, Whose floor is laid with slabs bearing the names of Oswiecim, Majdanek, Treblinka, Dachau, Bergen, Belsen, Babii Yar and other places where mass extermination of Jews took place, was built on a hill near the Western edge of Jerusalem, or that the Forest of Martyrs, consisting of six million trees - the number of Nazi victims -was planted. The gentlemen of Zion had too easily and too soon swept clean the record of their collaboration with the Nazis. Zionists were ready, in order to achieve their goal, to col— laborate with absolutely anyone, to bargain with millions of Jewish lives and to betray their own people without compunction.
The I4(h Congress of the Communist Party of Israel described Zionism as 'llic idealogical instrument of the Jewish bourgeoisie in the period of imperialism' and as the basis on which the Jewish bourgeoisie cooperates with imperialist reaction. Tn its alliance and cooperation with the darkest of imperialist forces the Jewish bourgeoisie has been making wide use of that instrument.
ROMAN BRODSKYE
BEAVER, Nov. 26th, 1974—Page Twelve
part two

YEAR TWO : NO MAN'S LAND
BY and large, the teaching ability of the staff at LSE can be summed up by one word — abysmal. Of all the lecturers that I've listened to, only four could be described as worthy of attention: John Griffiths (Law), Allan Swinge-wood (Social Philosophy), Ralph Milliband (Marxism), and Peter Loizos (Anthropology). Each in their different ways showed two essential quaUties. Firstly, an interest in their subject, and second, an interest in communicating that in-terest to other people. The latter quality is the most important and the one most lacking among other staff members. Needless to say, I haven't attended every available lecture, but of those that I have, the overwhelming majority are conducted by apparently bored lecturers reciting old notes to an equally bored audience, which forces itself to listen in the hope it might pick up something useful for the exam.
The absurdity of the lecturing process is self-evident. What could be more irrational than two hundred people listening every week to the same person, whose only qualification is that he has read a few more books on the subject, and when diverted slightly off the syllabus proves to be just as ignorant (or intelligent) as the rest of us? Yet another reason why academics are ^ reluctant to wander off the syllabus is that the basis of their authority, superior knowledge over a minute area, would be exposed.
The system, however, has its own dynamic of self-perpetuation. During the recent miners' strike, when the first power cut hit the school, Dr. Seely was lecturing on psychology in the Old Theatre. The theatre was plunged into darkness, there being no windows to let in natural light. Unperturbed by this intrusion of outside reality, the good Dr. Seely continued his lecture. Looking inside from the back door one could see absolutely nothing. But from the gloom rose the dull voice of a lecturer, determined to carry on regardless. It could have been a tape-recorder speaking. There might have been nobody listening. But no matter, the lecture must go on. Abstract knowledge surrounded by obscurity — this little incident seemed to typify much that passes for education at LSE.
During the second year I gradually stopped going to all lectures and classes. This was partly due to increased political activity, but mainly because of my complete alienation from the "education" process. I can remember the last class I attended quite clearly. It was on political thought. Somebody began by reading a prepared paper on Plato. They sounded as uninterested in Plato as I wasi Afterwards the teacher spent the remaining forty minutes telling us how he viewed Plato and what he thought his significance was. When there was just ten minutes to go, he asked whether anyone had any questions. Nobody spoke. So he covered up the embarrassed silence by arranging the forthcoming classes. The only response to a class that had been a complete flop was to arrange more classes! This was the straw that broke the camel's back: I had finished with classes for good.
Although in this cfise it was the teacher who was unconsciously acting as an agent of repression, the most serious problem lies in the students themselves. Many times it is the students who prevent discussion which is not on the syllabus for fear that it might not help them in their exam. This self-policing aspect of student consciousness is in some ways the basis of student "freedoms". After 12 years of succeeding in the schooling system, we have deeply internalised the authority relations of the classroom. Hence .it is "safe" for the authorities to allow a little relaxation in control because the student has learnt to control himself. When this begins to break down, however, discipline will begin to tighten up.
My second year at LSE was a sort of no-man's land between my "official" and "unofficial" education. At the same time as breaking away from my lectures and classes, I was groping for new methods of learning based on my own interests. I had started the year determined to study a particular topic which I had chosen for myself, and one which I wanted to leam more about. I chose the General Strike of 1926 as this combined politics, history and economics, and was supremely relevant to the contemporary industrial scene.
Choosing a subject and stuQying it may sound quite simple, but in practice it is not so easy. We have been brought up to study what other people told us to study, to learn answers to other people's questions. To study freely, then, is the negation of our past experience. However, like the German revolutionaries of 1918 who, when charging through the Tier-garten, were careful not to step on the grass, old methods are buried deep inside our consciousness.
Free learning, reading what we want to, taking notes of what we find significant involves a whole new approach to education. It is a traumatic experience, and one in which I cannot say I succeeded at first go. There were many difficulties — it was still an individual activity, a purely intellectual one,
and therefore one-sided as it did not relate to any practical activity on my part.
Many people argue for examinations on the grounds that, if this external compulsion Is removed, then students will do no work. In the short term this is true. At Neil's Summerhill, new kids spend about two years running wild before deciding to join anv class. But then, so what? Why should anyone freely choose to do alienating work? (As a miner shouted at Lord Robens when he asked a pithead meeting why they only worked four out of five days: "Because we can't live off three!"). If we remove the compulsion of examinations, in the short-term students will not do any work. But this is not a condemnation of students (naturally lazy, etc.) rather it is a condemnation of a structure which relies on compulsion to function at all. In this way, it becomes clear that what universities produce is not so much "intellectuals" as "anti-intellectuals", unable to work freely In a non-alienated way, unable to relate to knowledge and each other in an emancipatory fashion.
This was the basis of my difficulty. In order to engage in the free learning process, I had to struggle against, and overcome, the traces of bourgeois ideology and practice in my own self.
However, there were some positive aspects. I was, interested in the work, I was free to choose what books to read and how to read them. (Reading a book for living emancipatory knowledge is a dialectical process, slowly acquired after j'ears of searching for dead knowledge — knowledge for exam-mations). I began to use the library with interest, and discovered the immense collection of revolutionary literature hidden in the vaults. I was beginning to rediscover education.
YEAR THREE:
REDISCOVERING EDUCATION
Tutorials have always been somewhat of a farce. More personal than classes, it is less possible to escape the absurdity amidst the anonymity of fellow students. I had been assigned to a graduate-tutor in my second year. Politically sympathetic, he had turned a blind eye to my lack of orthodox work. However, caught between his supervisor, Mrs Scharf on the one hand, and my free-lance activities on the other, he was in a difficult situation. When the pressure came from above, he started applying it on me. Would I please produce some written work just to satisfy the authorities. (Academics seem to believe that the production of essays is the one and only proof that a student has been working. Of course, they never ask what kind of work, or for what purpose.)
Eventually, I was called to see Mrs Scharf to explain why I wasn't doing enough work. I argued my
case honestly in the sense that I said what I felt about the course. This sort of ta\king seemed to upset the game she was used to. (We usually dodge the main issues and make excuses promising to do better in the ftiture.) We didn't get into a discussion about education and learning. All she could offer to induce me to follow the official course was the spectre of the examination. We parted, agreeing on nothing.
I knew that this conversation would be recorded on my secret file. Every student has an academic file containing remarks by his tutor and class teachers on the student's academic progress! The contents of these files (the green ones kept in room H310) are kept a secret from the student, presumably in the belief that the less the student knows about his own progress the better!)
So WHy D yo
nM NOT St/HE - SOME THi/^a TO HANG ON TH£ WALL , OR MAVee IT'S ^l/S'T FATE. FEKHAPS /Ve A SUBCOIMSCIOUS fRGE TO BE A CARtERlST....
At the beginning of the third year, I was determined to take this matter up with my tutor _ Mr Hillbourne. When I went to see him the first time I was prepared to demand to see my secret file. I need not have bothered. The first thing he said was that there were some strange remarks in my file which needed exDlaining. I asked him to let me see the file in front of him so I could read what had been written about me and reply to it. (Even at the Old BaiLey the accused is allowed to hear the evidence against him!) He refused, justifying himself by asserting that he could not reveal statements which had been made "in confidence". It would be a betrayal of his colleagues. (It often seems that the schooling system exists to serve the interests of everyone but those being taught! This incident typified that approach.) After each argument and no agreement, we decided that the best thing was for me to try to obtain another tutor. Believing that the only good tutor is no tutor, I searched out an "official" tutor who was sympathetic to my views. He agreed to "take me on" provided that he never saw me throughout the year — an admirable arrangement!
Unfortunately, at this point bureaucracy intervened in the form of the departmental secretary who maintained that I could not be Mr X's tutee since he had too many already. I was assigned to Dr. Peel, who to me was an unknown quantity. At our fii'st meeting, we argued. He was interested in laying out a whole course of tutorials, essays to be handed in every . . . etc., etc. I wanted to begin to discuss what we hoped to achieve, and to what purpose. Tutorials are like guerilla attacks and should be treated as such. We should adopt the tactics of the claimant's unions and take our friends in with us to help us fight for what we want.
I missed my second appointment, just after Ohi;iStmas, partly because I wasn't interested in going, and partly because I was heavily involved in other activities at the time. Shortly afterwards I got a letter from Dr. Peel threatening that if I didn't show up on the fol-
lowing Friday he would take it that I wasn't interested in attending my tutorials, and would inform the Convenor accordingly. I did not show up. And I am still waiting to hear from the Convenor. Thus ended these tutorial escapades, which were my only contact with "official" education throughout my third year.
Unofficially, I was discovering a whole new world. Slowly I was beginning to sort out for myself themes and categories of study based on my chosen subject. Those who say that to start from one's own interest is narrow-minded and who justify compulsion on the grounds that it broadens the area of study forget that starting from our own interests we will be led almost inevitably into other fields by the very nature of free learning. In fact, it is the strict com-partmentalisation of the "official" structure which imposes restrictions on understanding. Life is not divided into economics, government and history, so why should learning about life be?
Alongside my own individual activity, there was a new departure — collective work and alternative classes. Partly through the efforts of the Education Study Group (see below), and partly influenced by the collective work campaign at Brunei University which had met with some success, several groups of students set up "alternative classes" — political sociology, philosophy, religion and politics, economics, libertarian socialism.
Collective work is the negation of bourgeois education at its very foundation. The laissez - faire values of rampant individualism and competition survive in few places these days. Education, however, is one of their last remaining bastions. It is seen most clearly in the exam room itself where to co-operate is defined as "cheating". The competitive ethic turns knowledge into a private property which is jealously guarded — for to share one's knowledge is held to lessen one's own chance of success. Co-operative work shatters these values and practices and hence any development along these lines is to be welcomed. Of course, co-operative work in itself does not and has not solved all our problems. It is merely a starting point. We then have to answer — and the different groups answered them in different ways — all sorts of questions: Why form an alternative class? How do we get together to study? Is common interest or common politics the starting point? How do we really learn things — from books, conversation, novels, films, "experience", or what? Should we progress by constructing an alternative syllabus or by ad-hoc arrangements? What is the relation between our thinking and our actions? Such questions, obviously crucial to an educative process, are' normally answered for us by the dual authority of staff and syllabus. Our free associations of collective work faced these questions for the first time. We have not yet found all the answers but the experiments are worth trying.
Many readers will no doubt think that the three years spent as I have described have been a "waste of tax-payers' money", to use the most common expression. Let us look at this complaint for what it is. The accusation implies that students who revolt, drop out, etc., are somehow doing things against the general good. It presupposes that the financing of what normally goes on in universities is money well spent. However, I would argue that the "normal" functioning of the university is in every way socially harmful. Furthermore, I would contest that as long as we accept this "normality", as long as we fail to revolt, drop out, contest, etc., then we are wasting taxpayers' money. Every day that LSE is not on strike, occupied,.or in other ways disrupted, taxpayers' money is definitely being wasted. Put like this, it is clear that the question of wasted resources is a political question and must be answered politically. The whole content of this essay, if you like, is my answer to this charge.
BEAVER, Nov. 26th, 1974—Page Tiiirteen
Hubble Bubble Toil and Trouble
The film that never was
THE SCENARIO : "In a brief discussion on isolation of first-year students, it was suggested that in addition to the various publications that the School produced each year it should be considered whether a suitable vehicle might be a film showing a student in a typical situation concerning the problems he was likely to encounter." (Extract from the Minutes of the Undergraduate Studies Committee, May 6th, 1974).
"Well, kiddies, this is the LSE. In this shot it looks remarkably like a William and Glynns Bank, but the poor dears do want a lot of advertising and your accounts. Ah! that's better. That man standing outside the LSE is Mr Dahrendorf and he is talking to Charles, our typical first year student. Notice how Charles is despar-ately trying to finish the conversation in order that he can talk to the nice porters.
Now Charles is hungry. There he goes, into the empty lift by the main entrance and up to the third floor where the refectory is. This is where Charles learns his first economics. The supply (food) is fixed, the demand (with menaces) is high, so the price (P) is ruinous. So Charles has decided he needs all of his grant. Now we see him in Accounts Department. Oh dear! Charles hasn't got his little white card. Now this is where Charles's superior intelligence is useful 'cause they haven't told him where Registry is, but, look, he's managed to find it. How did you do that Charles ?
"I arsked Mr Dahrendorf; Didn't I,"
So now Charles is obeying the nice lady behind the counter. "Take off your clothes Charles. Yes, you are British. Now put on your socks and take this nice little cheap unecological white plastic 'card' to Accounts."
So here is Charles back in the nice accounts office. Oh dear! He's gone to the wrong queue. Well we'll just have to slice the film. Now here we are, half an hour later and . . .
"No, your grant cheque hasn't come yet. Bugger off."
Oh dear! Charles is crying. Stop it Charles, we don't like cry-babies in the LSE. Why do you think wp have a Chaplain ? That's better. Now go along to the psychiatrist, there's a good Charles. There we see Charles talking to the 2\ psychiatrists we have here. Charles looks a bit confused. Ah yes, he's talking to the two-thirds of a dentist we have. Well we'll skip that bit.
Now here's Charles meeting the members of his department. Like you, Charles has come to the LSE to broaden his mind, widen his horizons and learn a few cliches. He's come for the intellectual fervour of the place, its revolutionary for-
wardness, its positive leadership in the field of social science advances. Yes, Charles is going to study . . . Accountancy ! And here we see Charles talking to his tutor; oh, h,e's turned his back on Charles. Well, professors are nicer to talk to. Look, there's a nice drunken one in the corner; let's listen in.
"Watcher mate" (that's the professor).
"Ave you bin Audited lately, professor . . ."
"Balance sheet. Balance sheet upon balance sheet. Y'know what hapens if you get a pile of balance sheets together. WELL, DO YOU KNOW ? WELL I'll tell you. They fall over. No kiddin. They just fall over. Hope you're not a first year. Can't stand the little beggers. Between you and me, it's a production line and that's why I get pissed. Now if I was in the Sociology Department; oh the women! You can get them on those soft subjects. Know what I mean ?"
I think that's enough of that — oh look, a nice person from Wom,en's Lib is beating him up. Poor Charles.
Ah he's escaped. Now where is he going' to. No it can't be. He's actually going to a lecture. Must be mad. Never mind. Let's listen in.
"The Master Race will go on to heights unknown for a thousand years." That's the new man from ... oh Charles is asking a question.
"Can we ave a window open ?"
Good Charles. Takes years for them to leam that. That was quick — the lecture's over. Now there follows th,e new ancient custom of passing the hat round to pay for the lecture. Now Where's he off to. A Union meeting. Well we can skip that.
Now it's the end of the day, Charles says his prayers and go.es down to the Three Tuns Bar, along with the rest of the School. What a squash it is. That's why the picture is all dark. O a bit of light.
Now if you look carefully to the right you can just see the nice IVr McKenzie being swung round, tactically, to make a bit more room for the nice Sociology Department. And that man in the crown is from the nice Government Department. And you can recognise the Anthro-
"SENNET", the newspaper of London Students, did not have to fight very hard for its survival at the meeting called by the Editor of "Cub" on Saturday, November 9th. Ruth Por-dos, who led the QMC-Cub band of anti-Senneters seemed rather disappointed at the turnout of only nine other representatives of the London student press.
Before these had all turned up, Ruth's case had been attacked so much by the Editors of "Magus" (Kings) and "Beaver" (LSE) that the issue was not raised again that morning. When the Editor of "Sennet" eventually stormed in, the meeting had degenerated into a series of comparisons, interesting but fruitless.
What became obvious was the almost comical differences in standards and expectations that each college "demanded" from their newspaper. "Cub" had enough money for five issues during the year (this "Beaver" is the fifth this term) although its Students' Union is vastly richer than the LSE's. Then there was the Editor who was a
IT would seem that students at LSE are feeling left-out of the general trend of Victorian philanthropy and wish to redress this dangerous imbalance by parading around the city in costumes designed to attract. Already hasty telephone calls have been made to various theatrical costumiers .enquiring as to the cost of (dare I say it) 20 gorilla costumes.
Apparently this is all in aid of "Student Frivolity" otherwise known as "Rag Week". This tj-pe of activity seems to be one of the "Events of the Year" at ALL White Universities in South Africa. To this extent my knowledge about these types of events in Great Britain is limited although I must admit that at Sussex University, when I was still there, they dispensed with this type of frivolous fund-raising. Their argument was that by its very nature it is not
pologists by the fact that they wear skins and go about in a big tribe. The ones with the bank managers, William and Glynns, are the economists. They're practising deficit spending, a proj,ect the LSE is backing this year. Ah, did you see that one fly by with angel wings? Well he's from the Philisophy Department. Very scientific. And there . . . just there . . . that's a foreign student. Can't help but notice the Arabs; they keep drinking oil as a Rugby Club stunt. Now Where's Charles got to ?
There he is. Oh dear, he seems to have committed suicide. What a pity; we'll have to ring Niteline and tell them about it.
"What do you do with dead students, please ? Hello, hello — are you there . . .?"
And here's the alternative ending. As you can see Charles has recovered, a resurrection and he's going to get involved ! And here is a picture of a sun-set.
PT
Communist but believed that a student newspaper was available for every shade of opinion — a deliberate policy of being an alternative to other sources of information, which one would have thought would be natural for a Communist, did not appear to have been considered.
Also there was the strange case of the two sabbatical Editors who turned up. The "Felix" (Imperial) Editor actually "owned" his own print works (not surprising when one remembers that Imperial has its own student TV and Radio service), and produced a newspaper every week whilst NE London Poly could afford to pay for a sabbatical Editor, but then had only enough money left to produce one "Nepam" every month.
What those mentioned and the Editors of "Pepys" (City Poly), "Needle" (Brunei), "Smith's News" (Goldsmiths) and "WC" (Westfield College) did agree on, was the need for some centralised method of contacting other London papers. In her
only patronising towards those for whom money is being collected but also deflects from the real causes of the issues for which collections are being made.
No doubt there are many who will view a "Rag Week" as a welcome respite from the drudgery of academia. However it would seem also to fulfill the function of respite from political action. After all, it is much easier to collect money in tin cups in the city than to tackle the problem of organising against the causes of those problems which charity is so fond of collecting for. Undoubtedly the morality of such frivolous actions will go a long way in satisfying those individuals who place such great emphasis on philanthropy. The "Haves" giving a bit of their time . to . the "HaverNots" without losing anything themselves.
Notwithstanding the patronising aspect of such frivolity, let us take a look at the ability of the Union to afford a "Rag Week". Already it has been said that as far as
absence, the NUS Press Officer got the job.
SOME newspapers in the stu-~ dent sector are experiencing "greater and divers troubles of eminent proportions." The newspaper of Birmingham University, "Redbrick", has stopped appearing weekly/weakly and is going to shuffle on to the stands fortnightly. With the Editor resigning in order that he can do some academic work, there is a possibility that this, pale impersonation of the "Daily Express" will be revamped. One can always hope.
Meanwhile "Sennet" has been "hit" (a journalistic term much beloved by them), by the cuts, in the advertising budgets of businesses. It started out with 16 pages and inside a short time had to cut back to 12. Even in this form it has not been self-"^' financing, as it was intended to be. The result is that "Sennet's" £900 budget is nearly exhausted and Jeremy Clift is, "a frightened man".
But rest assured, we'll be the first to report when we are going out of business!
Union finances are concerned we will be deeply in the red by the end of this academic year. The only reason we managed to keep our financial head above water last year is due to the granting of an ex-gratia payment of £2,000 plus a bit more. Add to this the fact that we may have to pay out of our own funds something in the region of £2,000 two two sabbatical officers and the recipe for financial collapse is being laid.
Perhaps those who mooted the idea at the last executive meeting need a "Rag Week" as some sort of spiritual tourniquet in much the same w^ay as Linus, of "Peanuts" fame, needs his blanket. However the cumulative economic effect of this tourniquet on the operation of Union societies, raising the wages. of Union staff, etc., points to the fact that in the final analysis, as things stand both politically and financially within our Union, a "Rag Week" is at best political frivolity and at. worst economic suicide.	A. OPPEt.
Why Mother care?
"THIS Union commands that all its publications shall not carry the following advertisements ; the Army, Barclays Bank and Mothercare. This resolution replaces all previous resolutions on the subject of advertising in Union publications." (Business Motion 8, passed unanimously at the Union meeting. Friday, November 8th, 1974).
Why Mothercare ? That was the question that arose at the Union meeting. The answer given was that the person who framed the motion did not like babies. Fair enough, they said. And that was how Mothercare, who have never advertised in any LSE publication, came to be banned.
But there was a serious intention behind the obvious attempt to brighten up an otherwise dull motion. The motion came from the people who produce Beaver and highlighted the lack of policy in this particular area, a lack that they themselves had to rectify. An attempt was made to galvanise the students to act by taking an Army advert, but it came to naught. The Beaver people were quite appalled by this.
What has been "proved" is that practically anything can get through a Union meeting ; that advertising revenue can be of such a dubious nature, most of it should be banned ; that Mothercare ought to change their name to Parentcare and, finally, not reinforce the "breeding image" of women..
Student Frivolity'
BEAVER, Nov. 26th, 1974—Page Fourteen
Arts
A sonnet for a Chinese girl . . . LOVE WITH DISCRIMINATION
ALTHOUGH I love your perfect form and face With good intention and a faithful heart,
Such love is not condoned by either race And sad convention keeps us quite apart.
—I think our love is much misunderstood When such malicious hints and stares persist,
Since love between the distant races could Show this suspicious earth what hopes exist.
—When subtle love and charm are so combined In dreams that interlace with each caress,
Then love is not alarmed at heart to find Extremes of race embrace and acquiesce.
^But such a love for you could not include A liking for each kind of Chinese food.
N. Racine-Jaques, 1974.
(Copyright).





STOCKHAUSEN
Conversations with the composer
Jonathan Cott (Picador Books)
"WE are all transistors, transmitters and receivers of cosmic vibrations" — "The Universal language of vibration and rhythm" — "We are all an electric system" — are all Stock-hausenisms, phrases which contain his strongly held philosophy : they also make very good publicity.
Anyone attempting to present a coherent account of Stock-hausen and his music, not only has to contest with the challenge of the ideas themselves, but with the vast amount of obscuring public relations and myth that surrounds the man.
Jonathan Cott succeeds very well. In these conversations with Stockhausen he allows the
composer plenty of space to explain his major works, philosophy and involvement with eastern religious culture, and presents them in short headed sections in a clear, non-techni-cal style. This is certainly the best book (in English) on Stockhausen so far, one doesn't have to be a passionate devotee to enjoy it.
Stockhausen lays great importance on being able to assimilate all types of experience and on the discovery of the relationships between them. This idea is apparent throughout the book in that the conversations often move from details of technique to the philosophic, to the descriptive and
back, very smoothly. It is also behind much of his music, particularly his early interest in electronic sound. The studio provides an entirely new set of techniques for discovering and using the relationships between the basic characteristics of sound, pitch, tone, rhythm, loudness. By slowing a tape recorder, it is possible to change a continuous note into a series of clicks, i.e. the gradual change of pitch into rhythm. This and other transitions, such as movements of sound in space, are discussed at length.
However, this book is not just for musicians. Anyone interested in the ideals and aspirations of modern composi-
tions but remaining confused by the music itself ought to find that the explanations of how a certain piece came into existence go some way to help the understanding. As far as Stockhausen is concerned many of his later works are very involved in eastern culture and religion. Much is said about this and although some ideas are less than convincing one can't fail to be interested in their incorporation into his personality. His description of the Kataragana religious festival of Ceylon is one of the highspots of the book.
A good book this—if it makes you want to listen to the music it will have succeeded.
Peter Cussack.
Entsnews Entsnews ^ Entsnews Entsnews ^
ENTS seems to be on the move again at last. Our last two concerts. Stefan Grossman and Manfred Mann's Earthband were extremely successful with the trade Press in to review both gigs. Both were very fine concerts with good LSE turnouts and we are glad to report that we made a fair profit on Manfred Mann although we don't know how large it is yet.
Pi'ospects for the rest of the term are extremely good with the scheduled events day on November 29th and a fine concert featuring the Neutrons on December 7th. The original Neutrons existed in 1972 but never got to play live as Clive John, Phil Ryan and Will Youatt all left the band to join Man as part of the Man band that recorded the "Be Good To Yourself . . . ", "Xmas at the Patti", and "Back into the Future" L.P.s.
The main feature of the MAN band at this time was the superb organ and synthesiser playing of Phil Ryan, now a prominent part of the Neutrons sound. Listen to tracks like "Keep on Crinting" from the "Be Good . . ." L.P. or "C'Mon" from the "Back into the Future" L.P. and you'll see what I mean.
The present Neutrons evolved from recording sessions after Phil and Will left Man last Christmas. With the help of some old friends they put together the "Black Hole Star" L.P. that was recently released and because of the excellent reception accorded the album, the band are now playing live, in concert.
They appear at L.S.E. on December 7th at the end of a short series of dates as a prelude to a major British tour in the spring. The line-up of the band is : Phil Ryan, keyboards ; Will Youatt, bass; Martin Wallace and Taff Williams, guitars ; Stuart Halliday, drums, and Karomay Dixon, keyboards and vocals. Support act is John St. Field, a solo artist from Scotland, a founder member of Lindisfame and a veteran of tours with Man and Nektar. His guitar
Albertoy Los Trios Paranoias.
ENTS, J.\COSS, FILM SOC and THE THREE TUNS present A DAY OF ENTERTAINMENT at LSE: Fri.Nov. 29
Lunchtime in the Old Theatre (Ip.m.): "Alberto y Lost Trios Paranoias."
4 p.m. O.T. "The House that Dripped Blood" featuring Christopher Lee & Peter Gushing.
7.30 p.m.; THREE TUNS BAR: The Hawaiin Tropicanos (with
Hula dancer), Terry Seabrooke (Comedian;Illusionist).. FREE ALE (minimum 300 pints) plus The Draw of the Raffle. ? ALL FREE
and vocal expression are extremely original and he has gained an immense amount of respect for his performances.
On this concert, the Neutrons are playing extremely long sets up to three hours long, so please come early.
Something should also be said about Alberto Y Lost Trios Paranoias who appear at L.S.E. at a lunchtime concert on the events day, November 29th. "Melody Maker" commented: "Alberto Y Lost Trios Paranoias are SICK, SICK, SICK. God, they're DISGUSTING. An insult to good taste and family entertainment. The most DEPRAVED exhibition of OBSCENITY masquerading as talent in the history of showbiz. . . . What are things coming to when we can allow SCUM like this into our lives ? Call this ENTERTAINMENT ?"
Yet on another occasion the same paper said ; "They'd already been totally upstaged by Alberto Y Lost Trios Paranoias. They aren't a rock and roll band, they're every rock and roll band you ever saw. If you've got any idols left in rock, avoid this band. Their parodies are devastating. It's part circus, part Dada cabaret plus a whole lot of musical satire. All linked by a running commentary involving the character of Norman Sleek . . . send-ups of the Airplane, Capt. Beefheart and the Velvet Underground were extraordinary as much for musical accuracy as the intelligence of their choice of material." See for yourself.
Next term we've got Chris Stainton's TUNDRA and Ducks Deluxe on the same bill and we're currently negotiating for Tim Buckley and are trying to sort out a date on lOcc. We're not really planning to do many concerts next term and are looking to the possibility of another Entertainment evening should the one on November 29th be successful. Have a good time.
R.R.
Sporting Beaver
BEAVER. Nov. 26th, 1974—Page Fifteen
THE SPORTSMAN POLITICIAN
MOST governments see the use of sporting achievennent as an important means of political propaganda. As early as 1920 the Russian writer Maxim Gorky had said, "In bourgeois states they utilise sport to produce cannon fodder." However, by 1926, one year after the Paris Olympics, the Central Committee of the Soviet Union Communist Party declared that "Sport should be used as a means of rallying the broad masses of workers and peasants around the various Party and Trades Unions organisations through which the masses of workers and peasants are to be drawn into social and political activity."
The Berlin Olympics of 1936 were clearly used as a massive vehicle of Nazi propaganda, and its smooth organisation was a political triumph for the Third Reich. In recent years the prestige attached to winning major sporting honours and staging large international events have become sufficiently attractive baits for even the most poverty-stricken governments, who will dig deep into the public funds to compete with the larger nations. The expense to the Mexican government of the 1968 Olympic Games caused a strong reaction from the Mexican population. Why should money be spent on vast sporting facilities and not on the country's pressing domestic problems, they asked. The answer was political prestige. Similarly the Munich Games, which were planned as the most organised and expensive ever. They were intended to obliterate the memories of 1936 and,no expense was spared with public funds being continually pumped into the Games.
Although with increasing leisure time available. money is necessary for the construction of more sports centres, a line must be drawn between expenditure of this s6rt, for public services, and that for the increasing use of sport as a means of propaganda.
Both the USSR and the USA are exceedingly guilty in this respect. In 1958 an editorial in Pravda stated : "A successful trip by the sportsmen of the USSR is an excellent vehicle of propaganda in capitalist countries. The success of our sportsmen abroad helps in the work of our foreign diplomatic mission and of our trade delegations."
And while the majority of sport in the United States is either professional or collegiate, and thus backed by capitalist finance, the State Department has spent several million dollars on sending "Sports Ambassadors" to developing
countries, and at least one drive for public funds to support the American Olympic team had the slogan "Help us beat Red for Russia's Athletes."
Direct subsidies from the government to sports bodies, because of the consequent partial loss of autonomy, are intermittent in the Western world. However, the governments are no-less concerned with the standard of their country's representation. In Britain the government, central or local, will build a facility and then subsidise the owners or leasees. Comparatively recently, during the last Tory administration, the Sports Council was introduced which was seen by the then minister of sport, Eldon Griffiths as ¦' . . . increasingly taking over the day-to-day management of public policy regarding sport." Its aim : to provide leisure and sporting facilities for the general public in its "Sport for All" policy and to encourage private companies, such as football clubs, to develop further sporting facilities. However, with the election of a Labour Government, this autonomous body is likely to be partially replaced by a full-blown ministry for sports, recreation and leisure, which under Denis Howell's direction can-only further raise the status of sport.
Although the combination of sporting and national prowess is seen at its most highly developed stage in the European communist states, many Western European states also spend freely. French aspirations towards "la gloire" reached their apotheosis with the building of a multi-million sports centj-e high in the Pyrenees at Fort Romeu.
Also it is estimated that the Italian Government spent va.st sums on establishing sports centres in the last ten years, while in Sweden, army recruits with sporting potential have been drafted into special "sports platoons." However the Russians still spend the largest amount on sport while also giving their successful performers government flats and grants. In East Germany a sporting upsurge in recent years has been heavily dependent upon government money and policy.
By the 1970s, government involvement in sport and lei-sure is thus a permanent feature of life all over the world. While the associations between international power in the political sphere and on the sports field has become too strong for any government to ignore (the media has "helped" in this) the beneficial effects for the general public must not be ignored. They have been provided with modern facilities and ha-'^'^ fhus been encouraged to take up more active roles in the sports field, and this can only be for the good.
JOHN STRUDWICK.
1

Sir William Ryland, CB, The Post Office, 23 Rowland Street, London TVIP 6HQ.

PRIME MINISTER
ffOOR^^ -


Touchline: events
THE two big forthcoming events in the Athletic Union are obviously the tours of France. The footballers or the exalted few are travelling to Nancy for a couple of matches. Judging by the Frenchmen who came on a return visit the main matches will be held in the bar. "Aimez vous une biere. Oui. Allez zoom zoom." Good luck to our courageous boys and don't forget to keep an eye on the evil wine.
The rugby club are going to the slightly gayer Paris but I'm sure they won't be overcome by the nightlife. Though I doubt very much whether they will be able to give a full rendition to "Mae hen wlad" in the Crazy Horse. Bets are being taken whether Tim Jenkins will end up in the Seine.
The Ents day on the 29th November should also produce some memorable sport. I'm not quite" sure how the start for the free booze in the Three Tuns is going to be run but it should be very interesting. If everybody here has a share of the free beverages that means a sip each but I have an idea that certain persons might make a quick break down the wing and end up with the Trophy.
SiNEC
Athletic union report
THIS term has seen the LSE venture out, for the first time, into-the big wide world of inter-university competition. Four clubs, rugby, soccer, squash and badminton are competing in the southeastern 'group of the UAU championships, against Sussex, Surrey, East Anglia and Kent Universities. With two matches behind us, the teams have had varying degrees of success. On the whole, thej' have all undoubtedly acquitted themselves far better than was expected and the UAU officials have been particularly impressed.
Several other clubs are taking part in UAU tournaments, and the basketball club have been the most successful to date. They finished as runners-up to East Anglia in their group, despite .some biased refereeing decisions. This is a magnificent result for a team with very little competitive experience, and illustrates the new-found enthusiasm and spirit running through all those clubs taking part in the championships. This spirit has been maintained in other fixtures this season and augurs well for the future.
Results of U.A.U.
BASKETBALL
LSE 45 — 38 Sussex LSE 45 — 42 Surrey
LSE 43 — 30 Essex LSE 32 — 54 East Anglia Team — Papapanlou, Makrios, Babatunde, Salinas, Saleti-Esfahani, Maasount, Pesaran (capt.), Devaux.
SOCCER
LSE II — 1 Sussex I LSE II —^4 Surrey I LSE II 1 — 3 Sussex II LSE II 1 — 0 Surrey II
matches
RUGBY
LSE 17 — 15 Sussex I LSE 13 — 30 Surrey I IjSE it 20 — 3 Sussex II LSE II 8 — 18 Surrey II
SQUASH
LSE 1 — 4 Sussex LSE w/o Surrey
BADMINTON
LSE 1 — 5 Surrey LSE w/o Surrey
For information about club activities contact the club captain as listed below, or use the club pigeon-holes outside the Athletic Union Office, S110.
Athletics : Pete Poster, Flat P2/5, Carr-Saunders.
Badminton: A. Lander, 168 Lichfield Grove, N.3.
Basketball: B. Pesaran, Postgraduate pigeon-holes.
Boat: Tony Brown, Undergraduate pigeon-holes.
Cricket: Him Stride, Undergraduate pigeon-holes.
Cross-Country: Pete Foster, as for Athletics.
Gliding: Dave Sagar, 101 Queens Road, Teddington.
Golf: Dave Beaney, Carr-Saunders Hall.
Hockey: John Plaxton, International Students' House.
Judo: Andy Blackler, Undergraduate pigeon-holes.
Karate: R. A. Williams, 19 Worlingham Road, Duhvich.
Lawn Tennis: Malcolm Falkus, C203.
Mountaineering: John Whittle, Undergraduate pigeon-holes.
Riding: Juliet Dye. Telephone 455-8484.
Rugby: Tim Jenkins, Flat M6/8, Carr-Saunders.
Sailing: Dave Beaney, Carr-Saunders Hall.
Soccer: Kenny Carr, Undergraduate pigeon-holes.
Squash: Bob Ward, Flat F5/6, Carr-Saunders.
Volleyball: John Gromadzskl, Commonwealth Hall.
BEAVER, Nov. 26th, 1974—Page Sixteen
D for Dodger
A LOSS of £250,000 this year ('74/75), which represents 6 per cent of our income atrd two more years of the quinquennium to run, with ever rising inflation biting into available (resources to the tune of an effective reduction in the UGC grant of 20 per cent by the end of that period were the main points that Ra|f Dahrendorf was anxious to punch home at
the Union meeting on Thursday, November 21st.
¦ Maybe universities wouldn't go bankrupt under such circumstances, but they wpuld deteriy prate. : According to Half fhi§ ¦wras unallowable, and cuts in expenditure would be framed round three principles. There was to be an overall conception of cuts, no redundancies and no reduction in academic standards. Academic posts might not be filled, but in this year it only amounted to three and next to 16 posts.
Ralf then embarked on a flight of conceptualising after he had assured us that the Vice Chancellors wanted student grants raised by £75, and more for London. Some of the School's difficulties could be solved inside it, and to this end he stated that in the future there would be no subsidy to th.e staff dining room. Other problems would have their solutions framed by outside bodies; the difficulty here was that education was no longer a high priority item and no amount of militancy would change the minds of those that matter.
In answer to questions, he assur.ed Abe Oppel that the School would, not go all-graduate and the ratio between foreign and British students would remain the sameValthough he would' prefer to see more European ¦ students at the expense of other- foreigners. Whatever else, he and his colleagues were opposing moves to raise the fees for foreign students.
Ralf rejected Ken Mullers analysis of militancy and then got embroiled in the Defence v. Education debate. He agreed that there should be a change in priorities but remained adamant that there should be no big defence cuts. He totally dodged the question, why was he sticking to "cold-war" notions, just as he failed to answer Howard Feather's question about how students could get control over their courses. He wound up by saying that he would investigate Students' Union finance when the Senior Treasurer came to see him.
And that was that. When he left, so did 200 other people — perhaps he should be invited to every SU meeting.
SSCs shuffle on
THE sordid and sad tale of the Student/Staff Committees continues on its uneven way. The Economics and Accountancy Departments seem unable to arrange anything successfully inside eight weeks! Stats are receiving student opposition of a familiar type — apathy. At the time of writing they still need two first and one third year student to get their Committee underway.
By far the most active are those in the Sociology and Anthropology Departments, but then the latter Department is under some strain at the moment. What is pleasing is the organisation by students of two Committees in Departments that have not had them up to now. On Friday, November 29th at 1.30 p.m. in Room C220 the Economic History's SSC will spring into life. The other Department, Industrial Relations has traditionally had a mini-SSC for the Trade Union courses (not surprisingly), but has argued that as it has no U/Gs inside its own Department, although it teaches U/Gs from other Departments, it is hard to organise an SSC. One hopes that this attempt will be successful.
P.T.
Accounting
Economics
Statistics
Government
Law
Sociology Anthropology
Soc. Psychol. Soc. Admin. Econ. Hist. Geog.
Indust. Rel. Int. Hist. Int. Rel.
Lang. Stud. Philosophy
Past meetings
Nov. 21 Nov. 13 Oct. 8, Nov. 5 Oct. 10, Nov. 7 and Nov. 14 Nov. 5, Nov. 20 Oct. 16 Banned Oct. 18
Oct. 29 Nov. 7 Oct. 1, Nov. Oct. 15
20
Future meetings This term ?
This term ?
Lack of stud. reps. Being arranged Dec. 4 Nov. 26
Being arranged Being arranged Dec 4 Nov. 29 Nov. 29 Being set up by students Nov. 29 Nov. 28 Next term
Any corrections/further information gratefully received.
Lab Govt V Lab Conf
IT is a mistake to think that Mr Heath is always wrong. Immediately after the publication of the recent Budget he said something to the effect (it is not worth quoting in full) that the Labour Party would not have won the Elections if people knew its real policies. The Conservative leader Was referring to the variance between the policies embodied in the Labour manifesto and those specified in the Budget.
Mr Heath was right inasmuch as some Labour supporters did indeed vote Labour because they were so politically immature as to believe that ©nee in office a Labour Government would automatically carry out its election pledges. But Heath would be just as naive if he deluded himself that his party (or even its next of kin) would have won extra votes in the event of greater political maturity among Labour supporters.
The truth is not hard to realise. In fact all serious psephological analysis (analysis of election results) goes a long way to show that the enthusiasm of Labour supporters as demonstrated in the proportion of their turn out is an important factor in any Labour victory. This enthusiasm is determined by the relationship between the aspirations of Labour supporters and their confidence in the implementation of Labour policies.
Thus it was the lack of enthusiasm for Wilsonism as experienced between 1966 and 1970 among Labour supporters which induced them to stay at home on Election Day, and not their switch over to Libs and Cons,
that demonstratively led to a shameful defeat of Mr Wilson and his team. .
Political analysts at the time, especially Prof. Richard Rose, flirted with the idea of Non-Voting as a new phenomenon while the political columnists of "The Times" and "Financial Times" shed tons of ink on the feasibility (and desirability) of splitting the Labour Party by way of fragmenting the two-party system.
The Labour supporters who failed to do their best to influence policymaking within the Labour Party and those who went as far as abstaining from voting, perhaps as a means of pimishment to the Wilsonites, did not achieve a better result that way. The lesson was learnt the hard way when Mr Heath, Barber, etc. introduced policies (both financial and direct)
that led to unemployment (up to mid 1971) ; unprecedented increase in the Money Supply and thus inflation ; direct confrontation with the working class through a vicious Industrial Relations Act, Incomes Policy and massive shifts of wealth from the poor to the rich ; and a combination of foreign and internal policies that introduced Britain into the EEC and brought it closer to Fascism.
A desperate and bankrupt administration like that of Mr Heath must have been instrumental in creating new conditions for a greater shift to the Left in British politics.
But Britain has not been unique ; the whole Western world is commg closer together and plunging into the abyss. We have continuously been calling upon the student body, teachers and friends to wake up to what is going on, especially now that Private Armies are being prepared on the quiet. The problems of energy and food are being used as a cover-up to mtensify the imperialist attack on the under-developed world and for this external task, another and equally important task is the clearance of "left-wing obstacles" at home.
The two Elections that brought a Labour government to Executive steering of British life did nothing to halt the great dangers which still engulf the labouring classes and their allies among academics, students,
artists, etc. They did nothing except preparing the ground for the introduction of Labour policies that truly serve the Labour side of society contra-distinction with management and landlords. To that extent the twin elections were a rejection of middle-class values, middle-class politics and middle-class representatives.
The lesson Mr Heath must learn is simple. People in this country voted out of loyalty to their own material and intellectual interests. As tuch the working class which constitute the majority of the electorate voted for that strategy which enhances the true interests of the working class; likewise the middle class (which we happily leam are coming together in one party and thus expect them to leave the Labour Party and unify the ranks of the Conservatives, the Liberals and the Fascists). Yet this class vote did not mean that the Labour Party as . It stands, is anj'thing to be trusted.
Printed by Hipley Printers Ltd., Ripley, Derby. Published by London School of Economics and
Until the middle-class elements which abound in the leadership flock somewhere else, there can be no confidence in anything positive to come out of the Labour Party.
The Labour Party is not the political organ of the British working class. This is easily demonstrated by the bourgeois budget introduced (for the third time) by what "Tribune" has called "Denis the Menace". But let them make no mistake about it. The Labour Movement is not going to be dormant again. The 1970-74 lessons, and the 1966-70 experience are enough to keep the real producers, the real sufferers, in this country awake.
Voting Labour was intended to bring about a Labour Government that will reverse the whole trends of doom, gloom, inflation, unemployment, brain-washing, export of capital, and particularly the trend of Fascism.
Whatever mystifications Mr Heath is trying to create. Whatever somnolence the Right-wing faction of the Labour Party is trying to achieve, the DANGERS are too great to be faced with apathy.
The Labour Movement must see to it that, while ranks are kept close, greater power must be placed in the hands of the broader organs of the working class.
OUR DEMAND, ON THE EVE OF THE LABOUR PATRY CONFERENCE IS:
GIVE THE LABOUR MOVEMENT AS A WHOLE A GROWING SAY IN POLICY MATTERS,
and bloody well implement the decisions as decided by the Labour Conferences.
Greece-False start?
THE landslide for right wing politician Constantine Karaman-lis in the first election for many years, making him Prime Minister of th,e Greek Republic with a clear majority of the registered vote, surprised even his supporters, some of whom were heard to wonder whether the majority wasn't even too large.
The optimism of Andreas Papandreou's campaign, generated by huge mass meetings in support of the socialist leader, condensed into about 13 per cent of the vote. The Communist Parties' United Left (EA) took a smaller share (9 per cent) of the vote than had been hoped, but have a foothold in Parliament from which to air their views.
Most analysts reckon that th,e pro-Karamanlis vote was generated by fear of the tanks. As one Greek pointed out, "You don't talk about mass nationalisation with the tanks waiting the streets." Even the cen-the main opposition only took 65 out of 300 If one notes that a man mayor under the
junta is now one of Karamanlis's MPs, one can only echo Ta Nea's front page headline on the morning after : "Why ?"
The Left is trying to conceal its shock, and trying to avoid recriminations, but the fact that Karamanlis who spent such comfortable exile in Paris during the rule of the lunatic Papadopoulos, should have won so easily — it's a bitter pill to swallow, even in the short run
in
trists, party, sieats. who was
LSE poet
SOME of Paul Bosoher's poems on Greece were recently pub lished in the English language "Athens News" (Sunday, Nov, 17th). They were used by Athenians in commemoration of the hundreds who died in November last year in the Polytechnic uprising against Papadopoulos.
The use of tanks against students and workers in the Athens Polytechnic left a deep scar in Athens, and will not soon be forgotten.
Occupy?
AN Emergency Union Meeting was called for Wednesday, November 20th; the IS called it and posters were put up calling for an immediate occupation of Connaught House. But there weren't enough people, and anyway it wasn't really a good idea for people just to come along for an occupation, so the IS withdrew the proposal for an immediate occupation.
What was really needed was a rilass, militant campaign against the School (there being no "contradiction" between fighting the School and fighting the Government).
However, when certain people such as Robin Weaver and Dannie Cocker decided to propose occupying the DES, the IS pointed out that this would be "adventurist" and "impossible" and the Union floor appeared to agree.
So it was agreed that we need a mass, militant campaign against cuts in education. A great step forward for IS, but for mankind ?
Comrades?
THE bonds of comradeliness have widened considerably within the Labour Society (almost defunct) recently, at the business to elect delegates to the NQLS conference meeting. That dynamic neo-Tory duo, Napthan and Tizard of racism and fisticuffs fame have apparently reconciled themselves to their comrades in the amazingly wonderful militant faction. After Broad Left had effectively removed all of Napthan and Tizard's motions extolling the social contract and lying down while fascists trample over socialists, the team of Batman and Boy Wonder decided that despite the fact that they agree with militants, like sennapods agree with arse-holes, they would support the election of Bill Shepherd and "militant" Christine on to tlie NOLS delegation. Solitary Alastair Coe was the only B/L member elected. Roll on January!
Political Science, Students' Union, St. Clement's Buildings, Claremarket, London, WC2A 2AE.