Fabian Tract No. 47. THE UNEMPLOYED BV J 0 H N BURNS. M.P., L.C.C. PuBLISHED BY 'fHE FABIAN SOCIETY. PRICE ONE PENNY. LONDON: To R~: oBTAI~ED oF THE FABIAN SociETY, 276 STRAND, W.C. NovEMBER, r893. AND AUTHORITIES. AND AUTHORITIES. On the subject of provision for the unemployed, the following books, etc., among many others, may be consulted. By far the most convenient and accessible summary of information on the whole question of the unemployed, and the attempts made to relieve them, will be found in the special report (mentioned below) issued by the Labor Department of the Board of Trade, which should be read by every student of the subject. ANON. EDEN, Sir F. M. MEATH, Earl of MOORE, HAROLD E. WARNER, t\. G. BuRN, Dr. R. CHILD, Sir JOSIAH CARY, jOHN ... OwEN, RoRERT DEFOE, DANIEL LoCH, C. S .... .-\SHLE\', W. J. WALLAS, GI~AHAM ... a. E xperiments. An Account of several Workhouses for Em- ploying and Maintaining the Poor. Second edition (enlarged). 1732; o.p. State of the Poor; 2nd val. 1797 ; o.p. Labor Colonies in Germany. Ni11eteenth Cen- tury, January, 1891. The Unemployed and the Land. Conlemporar;• Review, March, 1893. Some Experiments on Behalf of the Unem- ployed. Qum-tn-(1' .founw! of Eco11omics, October, r890. b , Schemes. flistory of the Poor Laws. (Latter part.) r 764 ; o.p. Proposals for the Relief and Employment of the Poor. r668; o.p. An Essay towards Regulating the Trade and Employing the Poor. 1717; o.p. Essays on the Formation of Human Character. I 837; o.p. c, Criticism s. Giving Alms no Charity, and Employing the Poor a Grievance to the Nation. I70+; o.p. Examination of General Booth's Social Scheme. Second edn. Sonnenschein; 1890. d. General H istory. English Economic !listory and Theory. \'ol. i., part ii ., chap. 5, Rel ief of the Poor. Long- mans; r893. IIistory of the Poor Law. Co-operative Whole- sale Society's Annual, r89+; Co-operati1•eUnion, City Buildings, Manchester. +- e. Parlia menta ry P a pers. Report from the Committee on Poor Laws, I8r7. Poor Law Commission, I83+· Reprinted r885; 2{6. An~ual Reports (Poor Law Commissioners and Board, continued as Local Govern- ment Board), 1835-93. Report on Agencies and ~l ethods of Dealing with the Unemployed, by Llewellyn Smith (preface by Ylr. Giffen). Lahor Department of the Board of Trade; :\o1·., 1893. 1{9. f. Report. On the Rest }leans of Dealing with Exceptional Distress. Special ommittee. Charity Organisation Society, I 886. Cassell and Co. / THE UNEMPLOYED. {Reprinted, with additions, from "THE NINETEENTH CENTURY" (No. CXC. Dec. r8gz), by kind permission cf the Editor, ]AMES KNO\YLES, Esq.] ' WHEN in ordinary busy years autumn arrives and the leaYes begin to fall ; after the harvest has been gathered and the hop, fruit, and market gardens have given up their yield ; when the nights draw in and the weather breaks, then begins to gather in the city and the town the advance guard of the workless army. As winter approachesthey grow in numbers and persistency. Increasing education, politicalenfranchisement, and economic knowledge have engendered amongstthem healthy discontent at their enforced idleness and poverty. In times of bad trade and its accompanying exceptional distress, by meetings, processions, and deputations the unemployed now call public attention to their sufferings and their wants. In London the bolder spirits amongst them belieye and practise what the moral cowardice of politicians and the lack of initiative on the part of local ,governing bodies have taught them-that is, to make a nuisance of their grievances. For, in the language of a noble politician, " the -people are only in earnest when they pull down railings, break windows, and create riots." Acting on this suggestion, it is not to be wondered at that a ·few desperate men should use threats and urge others to violence ; ·Or that the genuine distress of the unemployed should be exploitedby individuals who simply use the workless as a means of pushing to the front views and interests for which they require publicity, and which are incompatible with a healthy agitation on behalf of the unemployed movement. But if there have been loafers, cranks, and other contemptible persons using the unemployed for ulterior purposes, this should not blind us to the grievances of the genuine men who may attend the meetings and who are really desirous of finding employment. Whether these are Io,ooo or Ioo,ooo men does not affect, ·except in degree, the responsibility of society for meeting their demands. And if it were true, which it is not, that these meetings are composed altogether of thieves and loafers who meet in thousands for predatory reasons only; then that would be additional and urgent reason why we should hasten all remedial agencies of a permanentcharacter. Society should anticipate the loafing and thieving stagethat casual labor too often produces, by providing work for willing workers-work that must be made more attractive, remunerative, and steady for the individual than is now the precarious life of the average laborer, through the gradations of which he descends to the unemployed, the dosser, the loafer, and the criminal-a curse to himself, a pest to all. The practicability of some remedy for all his troubles is dawning upon, yea is being felt by, the modern laborers, even the hardened ones that have been imbruted by the fierce fight with poyerty in the " casual" ranks. Ringing in my ears now is the hoarse whisper of a prisoner in the exercise yard of Pentonville-" Stick to the unemployed, ] ohn ; work is our onlyhope." From the depths of the crimin::ll habit into which poverty and want of work had plunged him, he saw instinctively the remedyfor his failing, and the means of his rescue, and to find it is the duty of all reformers, present and to come. The unemployed laborer to-day is not a replica of the out-of-work of a few years back. With the restless and ever-changing spirit of the times, he has altered greatly. His predecessor was a patient, long- suffering animal, accepting his position as beast of burden with a fatalistic taciturnity, looking upon his enforced idleness as inevitab:e, and with blind submission enduring his lot. His poverty and credulity were often exploited by rival politicians, his disorganisation used for the advertisement of fiscal nostrums; and when his distress had been gauged, tabulated, discussed, and partially relieved with charitable doles or "The House," a slight revival of trade disposed of him until the next winter or depre sion set in, when again the same philanthropic opiates were administered to keep him quiet. In the past he was, whenever possible, deliberately, yea scientifically, ignored. As partof the body politic he was never considered. Statisticians befoggedhim and each other as to the amount his class and the nation had saved whilst he was starving. Political economists pointed out the impossibility of relieving his distress by spending money in useful public works instead of useless pauper tasks, or sagely informed him that the depression from which he suffered was due to "vagaries of fashion in dress," whilst he was nearly naked, or to "spots on the sun," when he was enduring the pains and penalties of the nether kingdom. Mute, inarticulate, unenfranchised, he escaped observation because he had no vote, no political, no muqicipal influence ':-t The extension of the franchis~, educatiort, trade unionis;rl, Socialist propaganda, the broad and rising Labor movement have altered all1this. The unemployed worker of to-day is of different stuff. He has a grievance, and thinks he has a remedy. Laying aside his tools with reluctance, embittered by the belief that organisation could j prevent his impending misfortune, with genuine sorrow he gives upI his time-ticket, and feels, as he takes the last week's wages to his wife, that his little home may have to be parted with bit by bit, and with it the independence of character he loves, sapped by the greater 1or lesser stretch of enforced idleness that society disorganised im' poses upon him with a cruel disregard of his claims. Having ex- l perienced the lot of the workless worker, I believe, with Carlyle, that "a man willing to work and unable to find work is, perhaps, the saddest sight that fortune's inequality exhibits under the sun." Pathetic it is to see the laborer, strong in limb, healthy in mind and morale, willing to work, but compelled reluctantly to be numbered with the eyer-increasing legions that machinery, invention, competition, and monopoly recruit for id:eness in this big city. But the 1 first step necessary to a change is his own awakening, and that at last Ins cor.1e. His eyes are now open, and the Samson of labor 5 has pulled from them the bandage that class rule, apathy, and his own ignorance and drunkenness had placed upon him. He sees that the soil after its crops lies fallow and is fed. The trees, after their fruitful loads have gone, rest and recuperate. The rich go to other climes to rest, or hibernate in slothfulness at home. But he, the worker and producer for them all, is linked to an idleness that worries and fatigues : " his limbs are rusted with a vile repose." The opportunity of using them is denied him. The city his hands have helped to make rich and beautiful has nothing to offer him, not even the chance of further work-the little all he modestly craves, and in refusing which the community robs itself and leaves him poorerstill. But even more pathetic than the unemployed male worker and industrial nomad is the workless woman or girl in search of work in a city of great distances. Trudging from shop to factory with thin boots and thinner clothes ; with little food, without the support that trade unionism gives to men, lacking the stimulant of association, isolated by her sex, with no organisation, often the victim of bogusregistry offices, friendless and alone, she searches for work that slowly comes. Before her the workhouse or the street, she bravely suffers in silence, and has no alternative to starvation but the eating of the crumb of charity or the loaf of lust. The industrial Andromeda that want of work has chained to a life she loathes incarnates all the poignant sorrow and desperation of the merciless struggle for existence amongst the poor, against which virtue, honor, and labor tightoften in vain. Whatever the movement amongst the workers may be, whether it is the demand for legislative reduction of the hours of labor, now demanded by the miners, railway men, cotton operatives, and the Trades Union Congress, or the abolition of overtime, which all the unions are fighting for now, the inspiring motive at the bottom of them all is the problem of disposing of their unemployed, the slayingof the monster that the fruitfulness of their own labor has created. Disguise it how we will, hide it though we may, looming up is the great, the all-absorbing question for all countries and governments to face-how can the honest worker be provided with work uncontaminated with pauperism's degrading taint and charity's demoralisingaid ? The glib quotation of figures showing that official pauperismhas decreased only insults the genuine worker who asks for work, so that it may be reduced further still. But even the official statistics, when shorn of all their complacent optimism, reveal the real nature of the problem. The fact that a cruel administration of the Poor Law, which mixes honest and criminal together, has reduced official pauperism from 46 to 20 per thousand, is cold comfort to the men who, by physical necessity or want of work, are compelled to be of the twenty. The growth of trade unionism, friendly, sick, loan, co-operative, and other agencies that the workers resort to in times of distress, is not recognised as a factor in reducing the distress which, in the absence of such agencies, the Poor Law would have to meet. Exploiting the ever-increasing repugnance amongst the genuine poor to pauper relief, the officials representing the lmsser ;an'e middle class are determined to throw the support of the work- less, that the rich and poor now sustain, on the poor exclusively, who voluntarily, taxed as they are, cannot carry further burdens. Outside the official pauper class, as Mr. Charles Booth proves, there are hundreds of thousands of people whose standard of life and comfort, from the point of view offood, clothing, and house accommodation, is lower than that of the pauper or criminal, yet these peoplewill not accept relief, but struggle on in the vain hope of work that never comes, and which, if it did, would find them too low to performit. The fact is the virtue-or vice-of thrift and independence amongst the pick of the working classes, which well-fed reformers contend is applicable to all, is being abused and exploited. When the poor refuse Poor Law relief, it is construed as proof that its abolition is justifiable. When, as a better alternative, the poor man asks for work, he is told that that is pauperism in another form. When he becomes ill through neither relief nor work being offered or accepted, or, as a last resource, thieves and goes to prison, he has to be kept, after his health and morals have been shattered, till he dies. The fact is, the workless man has to be kept in one of three conditions : living on the rates as a pauper in a non-productive capacity, earning nothingand costing the country a large sum in officialism ; as a criminal keptin prison-the worst possible fate for any man ; or as a wanderer about the streets, sponging upon his fellows or the charitable rich, forced to live like a vagrant camel upon the hump of his own melancholic poverty, slowly getting physically exhausted, morally and mentally degraded, till the manhood is crushed out of him, and he becomes one of those fearful wrecks to whom death would be the greatest rdief. I believe that the cheapest, best, and safest way of all to prevent the idle man, the potential loafer, pauper, or criminal, \ j from being a burden is to provide him with work which will be his salvation and the community's gain. But how is this to be done ? It may not be so easy as manyimagine, but certain it is that the solution of the question must be attempted by the adoption of proper measures, insignificant, perhaps, in themselves, but as a whole tending towards the industrial reorganisation of society. In attempting to deal with this unemployed problem, it must be admitted that whatever is done under a competitive form of societycan only be palliative and not permanently remedial. In fact, the commercial classes must be told, if they do not know it already, that to a great extent the existence of an unemployed contingent of workers is a necessary corollary of the existing almost unrestricted competitive system, in which production for profit by a class is carried on irrespective of the social consequences to the community and the producers. And whilst keeping in view and adopting all practical remedies, the fact must not be lost sight of that the basis of our social, economic, and industrial life is anarchic and unsound, and must be either slowly or suddenly revolutionised. The harshness of Capitalism. h~s _been tempered, however, in England for many yearsby the soctahsttc Poor Law, and by much voluntary charity for the relief of the distress incidental to the present form of wealth-pro 7 duction and its alternating cycles of depression, poverty, and prosperity. The immediate question we have to discuss is how best can thi!; money and existing charitable and relief agencies be concentrated, economised, and utilised for the prevention of further additions to· the army of paupers, and the perpetuation of a pauper class. And before this question is answered, let us say, in the light of experience gained by the Mansion House Fund in r886, that all charitable schemes for the relief of the unemployed who are able to work have \ only one end, and that end the demoralisation of the donors and the degradation of the recipients. Wherever money is, there the loafer, the lazy, and the undeserving will be found. Worse than this, when society suffers from a spasm of charity, is the creation of paidphilanthropists by proxy who revel in the notoriety which their sense of vanity and love of patronage craves, who cannot give personal service, time, and attention-always the better half of charity-with the result that failure attends invariably their crude and immature schemes. For the weak, the sick, the physically unfit, food and sustenance must be found ; but this should be undertaken by the proper authorities and existing paid officials in such a way as to confer no obligation or patronage, and then only as a means of helping the recipients to that condition of health and strength necessary to the performance of labor, and which when reached should lead to employment on useful work, the real and only antidote to all the ills that laboring flesh is heir to. That these authorities have not done their work well, and are unsympathetic, is a reason for alteration, but is no justification for all" the quackremedies that neurotic Christians and fanatical faddists, combining universal brotherhood with incompetence and good salaries, try to impose upon us. The provision for the aged, sick, and destitute, the finding of em-'\ ployment for the able-bodied, is not the work of religious proselytism or of the individual, however benevolently disposed. It is a collectiYe, social, and municipal duty in which the minds, principles, energies, and organised sympathies of all men, absolutely non-religious and impersonal, should be embodied by and through governmental and administrative agencies that should consciously carry out thescientificallyordered benevolence and desires of the community. Strong men maybe held responsible for carrying out the objects that the communitydecide upon; but in the end society will find that no single man nor any coteries of self-appointed cliques can cope with an eYil that is universal, and which must be faced by society, through its elected institutions, organised and equipped for its removal. This brings us to the practical remedial measures that could be undertaken for the unemployed. First, the present system of ascertaining the number of men out of work should be improved, or a new system established. Essential to all remedies is the truth. The only basis and method of enumeration, apart from the Poor Law, which is utterly useless for this purpose, is the Labor Department of the Board of Trade that getsits statistics from the trade unions, mainly the skilled. EYen this limited work is inefficiently done, through no fault of Mr. John Burnett, as the trade unions do not respond as they should, and nervously hesitate to give the exact numbers out of work for fear that their position should become known to the employers, who, they assume, would exploit their necessity by reducing wages or by some other encroachments. The figures given generally underestimate, because they give the members only of trade unions in receiptof out-of-work benefit, taking no notice of those out. They giveonly the average of all, and not the percentage of each trade, a method that gives no idea of the number out of work and the corresponding distress. Societies that do not give unemployed benefits are roughly estimated, whilst the unskilled and unorganised trades can only form rough calculations, often influenced by the social and political views of the enumerators. As for the women, there is practically no attempt to ascertain the number who require work, whilst their organisation is only a name. The result of all this anarchyand disorganisation is the frequent hearing of late, even from members and officials of trade unions, of absurdly high estimates of the numbers of the unemployed, some going so far as to say that there were more out of work than there were actually in the whole trade, and in the following week finding out their mistake and going to the opposite extreme. Then, again, we have charitable schemers, as of late in London, deliberately exaggerating the distress and want of work, in order to induce the credulous rich to subscribe to the particular charity they run. The fact is, outside Mr. Charles Booth, the Fabian Society, and a few trade unions, there are no official and reliable agencies for collecting statistics upon which reliance can be placed. Even the Poor Law authorities are without statistical data of any degree of accuracy relating to pauperism besides the unemployed. I I The only way, after all, to obtain reliable labor statistics is to establish in every district council, parish, or vestry area a completely equipped Labor Bureau, situated in the Town Hall. There the unemployed should be able to register themselves, and the trade unions should be urged to regularly post or file, for official use if necessary, their numbers out of employment. The whole arrangements of simple tabulation and indication of where employmentcould be found should be done in a business-like way, by a competentofficial. The bureau should be the medium of communication between the men seeking work and the employers, and at the same time eliminate the loafer, to whom little consideration should be shown. If this is not done the continued disappointment of employers through his inability to stay at work will result in their losing confidence in the genuine unemployed, to the latter's detriment and to the discredit of the bureau. In spite of what some advocates of work for the unemployed may say, I contend, as a Socialist, basing my belief on an unequalled experience of the largestmeetings of unemployed that have ever been held, and as spokesman on every occasion for deputations on this subject to Government , departments in the past ten years, that until the differentiation of I the laborer from the loafer takes place, the unemployed question can never be properly discussed and dealt with. Till the tramp, thief, 9 and ne'er-do-well, however pitiable he may be, is dealt with distinctly I from the genuine worker, no permanent benefit will result to any of them. The gentleman who gets up to look for work at mid-day, and prays that he may not find it, is undeserving of pity. I have seen the most genuine and honest men at meetings mixed up with the laziest and most drunken scoundrels. These latter get together for a purpose : they have but one object, that is pillage-an offence that in critical times would justify the punishment of the perpetrator at the hands of the men who had staked their all in the success of a genuine Labor movement, the success of which, after all, cannot be secured unless the utmost discipline is preserved; breaches of which in a mi:itary or revolutionary movement would meet with heavypenalties. These Labor Bureaux would probably lead to the trade unions leaving their present meeting-places in public-houses and using.alternately the rooms of the bureaux, or, as is being done, of the Town Hall, for their meetings: an advantage to labor that in the course of the year would save thousands of pounds now wasted by being spent in drink. Telephonic or other communication between .district and district should be arranged. This might be conducted by a Central Labor Exchange to be in conjunction with an lmperialLabor Bureau for Great Britain, utilising the I 8,ooo post-offices, ascertaining and exchanging the varying local industrial needs. The who!e of these arrangements should form part of a Ministry of~ and Fine Arts, constituted as, or better than, existing departments, and dealing in an organised manner with the industrial, technical, .and artistic sides of the production of wealth that are now forgottenin the vulgar scramble for personal gain. Till these Labour Bureaux are established, when exceptional distress occurs and private charity or public relief has to be disbursed, a committee should be formed in each County Council area, on which representatives of the trade unions, Charity Organisation Society, friendly societies, temperance and other bodies should sit, and, if possible, supplemented by a number of the guardians and vestrymen, whose local knowledge, together with that of the workmen, would be of great service in differentiating the workers from the loafers- a necessary and indispensable task. This committee should confine itself to disbursing relief in money or food only to those who throughillness or inability to work should have relief, and who refuse to go:into the workhouse because their distress was only temporary. The children who need it should be fed at the Board Schools, for whatever their fathers may have done, the children are blameless. The pricepaid for Ormonde would be more than sufficient to provide London's foodless children with good meals all through the winter. The ()rdinary cases of distress should be left to the existing authorities, and should in no way be interfered with by the committee, except in \ I, the case of providing work for the able-bodied willing to take it. " The advantages of this representative committee would be the amalgamation of all sorts of sympathies, and the furnishing of such a sufficient conflict of interests and opinions as would secure an impartialdistribution of relief, and prevent the overlapping of various agencies 10 and imposture-ad\·antages not always attaching to relief committees. of one political, social, or religious view. This unofficial body would undertake temporarily the duties that should fall upon new District and Poor Law Councils that should soon be created on the broadest possible franchise for this and other purposes. If money is subscribed for the relief of the able-bodied, it should be handed over to the local authorities responsible for the cleansing, sanitation, and making of ( such public \\"Orl(S as roads, streets, parks and sewers. The sun·eyor or engineer should be the responsible authority for the expenditure of this money, and so far as is possible the conditions of hours ::md wages current at the time should be rigidly observed. The men could be employed at fewer hours per day, or fewer days per week, than ordinarily, so that the aggregate wage earned should be no inducement either to malinger or refuse work elsewhere under ordinary conditions. If the amount of money is sufficient, then the work should proceed as if in that district no exceptional distress existed. The Poor Law Guardians should act in conjunction with this committee, and should hand oYer to the local authority that amount of money to be spent in useful work or non-pauperising relief that would have been spent in other directions if no such public works had been instituted. At Paddington in r886 a public committee co-oper- ated with the Guardians and the Vestry and jointly subscribed money for work for 350 men, and gave employment to 133 women on needle- work. The advantage of this course is that you distribute over all ( the men employed, without pauperising them, that amount of moneywhich all people in the parish subscribe through the rates, and you make the support of the unemployed a collective compulsory charge on the district that profits by the work they perform. The applica- tion for work should be restricted to local men with at least three months' residence. Work should be of public utility, not necessarily of immediate demand, but prospectively required. The work should be such as would give simple employment to the class which is mainly influenced by depression-the unskilled. Ground work on roads, sewers, and recreation grounds is the best,. as the bulk of the cost of these works goes in wages for manual labor. Each locality to be responsible for its own unemployed, unless the extent of the \YOrks permit otherwise, and equitable arrangements ::tre made with other districts. As in the case of the Common Poor Law Fund, the richer districts with no unemployed ought to contribute pro rata for work that poorer districts do in relief of metropolitandistre s. The equalisation of rates would remove many objections now urged on the score of cost by poor districts. The Government could also lend money on easy terms, and in many cases make a con- tribution, but should leave the carrying out of work entirely to local authority. The character of the work to be done is of course difficult to decide- upon, as in m::~ny districts there are staple trades the skill and delicacyof which prevent hard and laborious work being undertaken easily bythe men. But generally as was found on the £2,ooo,ooo of work unJerLaken by local authorities in Lancashire in r862 and r863, as. 10 and imposture-ad\·antages not always attaching to relief committees. of one political, social, or religious view. This unofficial body would undertake temporarily the duties that should fall upon new District and Poor Law Councils that should soon be created on the broadest possible franchise for this and other purposes. If money is subscribed for the relief of the able-bodied, it should be handed over to the local authorities responsible for the cleansing, sanitation, and making of ( such public \\"Orl(S as roads, streets, parks and sewers. The sun·eyor or engineer should be the responsible authority for the expenditure of this money, and so far as is possible the conditions of hours ::md wages current at the time should be rigidly observed. The men could be employed at fewer hours per day, or fewer days per week, than ordinarily, so that the aggregate wage earned should be no inducement either to malinger or refuse work elsewhere under ordinary conditions. If the amount of money is sufficient, then the work should proceed as if in that district no exceptional distress existed. The Poor Law Guardians should act in conjunction with this committee, and should hand oYer to the local authority that amount of money to be spent in useful work or non-pauperising relief that would have been spent in other directions if no such public works had been instituted. At Paddington in r886 a public committee co-oper- ated with the Guardians and the Vestry and jointly subscribed money for work for 350 men, and gave employment to 133 women on needle- work. The advantage of this course is that you distribute over all ( the men employed, without pauperising them, that amount of moneywhich all people in the parish subscribe through the rates, and you make the support of the unemployed a collective compulsory charge on the district that profits by the work they perform. The applica- tion for work should be restricted to local men with at least three months' residence. Work should be of public utility, not necessarily of immediate demand, but prospectively required. The work should be such as would give simple employment to the class which is mainly influenced by depression-the unskilled. Ground work on roads, sewers, and recreation grounds is the best,. as the bulk of the cost of these works goes in wages for manual labor. Each locality to be responsible for its own unemployed, unless the extent of the \YOrks permit otherwise, and equitable arrangements ::tre made with other districts. As in the case of the Common Poor Law Fund, the richer districts with no unemployed ought to contribute pro rata for work that poorer districts do in relief of metropolitandistre s. The equalisation of rates would remove many objections now urged on the score of cost by poor districts. The Government could also lend money on easy terms, and in many cases make a con- tribution, but should leave the carrying out of work entirely to local authority. The character of the work to be done is of course difficult to decide- upon, as in m::~ny districts there are staple trades the skill and delicacyof which prevent hard and laborious work being undertaken easily bythe men. But generally as was found on the £2,ooo,ooo of work unJerLaken by local authorities in Lancashire in r862 and r863, as. II told by Mr. Arthur Arnold in his excellent Hzstary of the Cotto1t Famzlze, and by Mr. Torrens and Sir Robert Rawlinson in their reports, the men soon adapted themselves to the work, which, when finished, was of lasting benefit to the community. Public works in India, Ireland, and the colonies, even though some of the works in the latter may have been undertaken for political reasons, go on the whole to prove that it is better to spend£I,ooo,ooo on useful labor than £z,ooo,ooo in charity. The later instances of the good effects of public works loyally undertaken in the right spirit by the authorities and the men are numerous. One of the best was at Chelsea in 1886, when £I6,ooo was spent in paving and laying out roads and streets. The work was of excellent character, equal to, eYen better, in quality and price than contract work; and for three months gave employment to over zoo men of many trades who soon adapted themselves to the work, and, with the parish, derived great benefit. In 1887 similar work on a smaller scale was undertaken with like success. At Paddington, in r886r through the action of the committee above referred to, road-work was organised and a public recreation ground laid out. At Wands- worth many men were engaged in digging sand, foundations, and other ground work. Battersea, St. Pancras, and many other parishes, also the Metropolitan Gardens Association, carried out many useful improvements and in the best way relieved distress, discouragedloafing, and benefited the community by the works carried out. At Oxford, Norwich, Ipswich, Yarmouth, Eastbourne, and at Brightonsimilar work was done : I ,ooo men were employed for some weeks on necessary roads; at Yarmouth and King's Lynn general relief works were also undertaken, also at Southampton, Dudley, Walsall, and Stourbridge, in cleansing roads and similar work. Tynemouth. employed some hundreds of men upon a public park, sea road, and sea banks. South Shields gave work to 400 men three days perweek ; and Sunderland to 1,300 men of all trades on foreshore works, of which the Local GoYernment Board official states : "It is impossible to contemplate without a feeling of satisfaction the great improvement to the district that has resulted from the judicious employment of these men at a critical time." And of Wales, where street improvements, parks, gardens, and foreshore works were undertaken, Mr. Murray Bourne, of the Local GoYernment Board, says : Relief was no doubt considerable. The carrying out of such works at such a time- possesses obvious advantages. The work is possibly done somewhat more cheaplythan when labor is in demand. For the less skilled men who are willing to work, London and all other towns can always find work for many who have strength enough to use a broom or shovel. The condition of our streets in summer is bad enough, and it is more than the insufficient permanent staff can do to keep them clean ; whilst in winter the staff could be easilydoubled, and if this were done when mu·d, snow, and dirt are much in evidence, from six to ten thousand men could find employment. If to this was added a crusade against dirt and filth in all the side streets, slums, and alleys with broom, whitewash, and disinfectant, in fact a vigorous enforcement of the new Public Health Act, work 12 12 would be justified and secured for a still larger number. The recent disclosures of Dr. Dudfield as to the filthy condition of cisterns provides, until they are removed, a source of employment for many ; as also does the removal of dust and other refuse. " The man with the muck rake," the scavenger of to-day, is not the dejected, semipauperised automaton that he used to be, working for less than the current wage, and one step from the workhouse. He has been enthused and organised, and, as Mr. Giffen testifies, has reduced his hours of labor 30 per cent. and raised his wages from 10 to 25 per cent. His calling is no longer what it was, and men who used to look upon road-sweeping as derogatory now cheerfully look for it as an alternative to the other work that through age, and for many other reasons, fails them. The Battersea Vestry, beyond establishing 25/-as a minimum wage for their scavengers, have decided that no man under 40 years of age will be eligible for this class of work. This is a good step, as it throws the burden of the industrial fight, as it shou~d, on the young and the unmarried, and gives to the older more municipal protectionfrom the increasing intensity of competition, and, through the rates, throws upon the employer his share of the public duty towards the veterans of industry. I have gone fairly into the matter, and believe if Mr. Fowler's recent circular is loyally adopted by the q,ooo local authorities throughoutthe country, as it has been anticipated by the London CountyCouncil, that there are many useful works that could be carried out in each district of general sanitary character, which, combined with repairs of roads, streets, and sewers, on the standard of Chelsea in 1886, would give a total of 24,000 to 3o,ooo men employment in London alone, or about 2oo,ooo throughout the country. And why should not this be done ? When a busy man has an hour to spare, how does he occupy it ? He tidies up, sets his rooms and papers in order; when a thrifty housewife has an opportunity of an additional cleaning it is undertaken. Why, then, should not each community utilise its surplus labor that must be kept somehow, and give to its cities and towns, its roads and buildings, that winter and spring cleaning they require ? Having dealt with the kind of work that the unskilled laborer can do, it is more important to discuss the best means of preventing the periodical displacement to which all workers are subject. I be- lieve that by a reorganisation of the works of all public bodies, such as Town and County Councils, school boards, vestries, guardians, docks, port, harbor and sanitary authorities, and all State depart- ments, it is possible to reduce enormously the number of men seekingemployment at the beginning and end of each year. To do this the example of the Battersea Vestry, the London County Council, and many other public bodies must be followed, in abolishing contracts, which means casual labor, as far as possible. For the ordinarymaintenance and repairs a regular, transferable staff should be keptemployed direct, with no overtime except in cases of social urgency; and we should adjust all the special and extraordinary work to be done, such as ground work, repairs and alterations to parks, open 13 spaces, drainage, and other works, to the exigencies of the generallocal labor market. By this, employment would be thrown over a larger number and at the times when the labor market needed it most. For three years this has been done by nearly all the committees -of the London County Council, which has also decided to have its own '\Vorks Department : the first scientific step yet taken for the unemployed question. To secure simultaneous, compulsory and uniform action, Imperial notification should be given. This should be done by a Local Government Board circular; and when the Labor Bureaux indicated a given percentage of unemployed, then public works should be started, and migration would thus be stopped. The great advantage of this method is that by local knowledge and experience the habits and character of the men are known-the laboring sheep are separated from the loafing goats. Some exception may be taken to this method on the ground that painting and other season trades cannot be regularly employed. But this objection does not hold good to the extent usually imagined. The ·class of men who are mostly out of work in London in winter are painters and painters' laborers. In the summer the painters and kindred workmen are making ten, twelve, fourteen and often sixteen hours per day for six or seven months in the year. This is unnecessary, as there is not the least reason why nearly all the inside work in connection with cleaning and painting the buildings belonging to public bodies, such as schools, asylums, hospitals, police stations, and public offices, also railway stations and other large buildings, should not be done when climatic conditions are unsuitable for outside work, leaving external work for good weather. I have not yetknown a builder or contractor to refuse a contract for climatic reasons; and, with the exception of times of very severe frosts, he generally manages to carry out his work. Even the frost difficulty is got over in colder countries, such as Norway and Sweden ; and it could be overcome here if prejudice and custom did not stand in the way. The fact is, custom, caprice and fashion have imposed uponall communities many cruel and absurd practices which entail overwork for short periods and lack of work at others. Ifthe communityis driven, as it is now, to find work for all and overwork for none, it must either voluntarily or compulsorily abandon the stupid practice --of ordering its clothes twenty-four hours before they are required, and insisting that all its houses in the West End should be cleaned and painted in six weeks in the spring or six weeks in the autumn, by men working night and day. Let the community by law, or the men and masters by combination, say that the average working daythroughout the year shall be the maximum working day. Societywould soon adapt itself to the conditions. The work would still have i:o be done, and as there is no fear of the owners doing it themselves, one of the first steps towards the regulation of industry would be .achieved. Beyond this there is much that the Imperial Government can do. { In all the departments there is much "extra duty" that ought not to •be done by the regular staff at overtime rates, but which should be .done by extra men. Overtime in the General Post Office alone is paid for to the extent of £I,400 per week. This alone means the displacement of 8oo men. In every postal district a proportional amount is. paid. A reapportionment of work, the adoption of the shift system, would prevent overwork, and for a permanent,' profitable service givea steady regular employment to several thousand more men who are better employed carrying letters than in receiving relief from the rates. The Postmaster-General, on my representations, has decided to discontinue the practice of giving supernumerary work at Christmas and other busy periods to inspectors and sergeants of police and army, and others receiving good pay and pensions, and to give it only to men whose normal occupation ceases in winter. In the arsenals and dockyards similar things take place. Although overtime is not so preYalent now as in J 884, I 885 and I 886, when I z,ooo men worked 6,ooo,ooo· hours of overtime at Woolwich and Enfield, which, when extended over the period in question, gives an average of seventeen hours perweek per man, and so doing deprived z,ooo of their fellows of work that was sorely needed-still there is too much of it. At Chatham, from April to August 1892, 4,ooo men were working thirteen and a half hours per day instead of nine and a half. At that period, also, r,8oo men were working three and a half hours overtime per day; whilst at Portsmouth I ,zoo men were working overtime on the Royal'Arthur; and at Plymouth, Devenport and Woolwich the same thing goes on to a varying extent. Fortunately the Government in 1893 have seen the necessity of altering this, and have diminished overtime and put several departments on short time rather than dismiss men. This they should follow up by the eight hours day. There is no excuse for overtime with hundreds of workmen unemployed, as. the shift system could be adopted if work is needed to be completed in a hurry, and the result would be better work and real economy in the end. It would be interesting to trace the breakdowns through defective machinery to our ironclads ; if it were done, it would not be favorable to the breakneck speed at which much of the work is turned out bycontractors' men working, as in 1886, 1887, and 1888, at 90 and 100 hours per week. The railway accident at Thirsk, due to the deliberate undermanning of the working staff, simply for profit, by the directors, suggests a field into which many unemployed men might be drawn with advantage to all. The unfortunate death of ten passengers has directed publicattention to the overworking that prevails, and which was disclosed by the Scotch strike, the Railway Hours Committee, and the last return for December 189I, which shows no appreciable diminution in excessive duty. But the public generally are terribly ignorant of the railwaybutchers' bill that the companies pay in the killed and injured bodies of their servants for the undermanning and overworking that, in the majority of cases, are the causes of accidents amongst their servants. and occasionally their passengers. In r891, 6z8 men were killed and 9,601 injured out of less than• 2oo,ooo engaged in the different grades on the ra~lways ; out of four IS million engaged in factories, 420 only were killed and 8,527 injured; an excess for the railways of ~08 killed and 1,o74 injured with the twentieth part of the numbers that are engaged in factories. Since 1874 up to November 189'S there have been IO,ooo deaths and 45,ooo injuries connected with railway rolling stock. This does not include the I,422 killed and the II5,920 injured in other departments of the railways, and making in all about 12,ooo killed and I6o,ooo injured in eighteen years. At shunting and kindred work in I89I, I6o lives were lost and I,67I were injured. Taking an average of killed and injured over the I4,ooo men engaged it will be found, on the standard of I89 I, that over seven years I,I 20 are killed and I I ,690 injured, or 8o per cent. of I4,ooo men in this department are offered up every seven years as a sacrifice to the long hours of those engaged and to the increase of the unemployed. An eight hours day would reduce this preventible slaughter by 50 per cent., and if applied to the whole of the railways would absorb IOo,ooo men. This means a diminution of dividend of I per cent., but to a great extent this would be met by a reduction in taxation and other ways. It is not too large a price for the railways to pay for packing the House of Commons in the interests of their monopolies. The tramways and 'bus companies, in spite of plucky strikes by the men, are still working their men excessive hours, and will con tinue to do so till the law prevents them. At the present moment the number of carmen and unemployed men accustomed to vehicular work is large, and the necessities of the passenger traffic in London that could be better served by two shifts of men are neglected, so that rival companies can ruin each other, and kill their horses and men by insane competition. Fortunately for all, the County Council and other local authorities are taking possession of these monopolies, and their ownershipwill not only mean convenience to all and less obstruction, but a relief to the overstocked labor market in London. It is very difficult to suggest remedies that will at once affect the workless women. Relief works suitable for men are not possible for them, although there is much work that each family in its own waycould do to help those immediately around them. For the mass of women and girls, in the interests of humanity, apart from a means ofgiving work to others, legislation should at once be adopted that would put a stop to home work and sweating,_ All home industries should be transferred to healthy womshops and factories, under public sanitary supervision and Factory Acts that cannot be enforced where domestic conditions lead to their evasion. The inclusion of laundries within the Factory Acts would extend the area of employment. This, if accompanied by legislative reduction of hours for all women as well as m~n to eight per day, would for some time find nearly all with employment who desire it. The gradual raising of the age of children engaged in factories, and the gradual elimina tion of married women from factory occupations altogether, would help to the provision of work and the raising of wages and the standard of comfort both for men and women. 16 16 But whatever may be done of a gradual and tentative charactet in the towns or cities by public works or by reduction of the hours of labor will be permanently useless till the influx from the countryside is stopped, and machinery is made the servant and not, as now, the master of men. How this is to be done it is difficult to say, and apparently nothing but the justifiable appropriation by the rural authorities of the uncultivated land will do it. In the generalinterests of the country something must be attempted to preventthe land lying idle. Year by year the community looks on as field after field is added to sporting estates, and men give way to deer. In many country districts peasants rot while the pheasants rule ; •' and game is master where man is hunger's sport. The creation of parish and district councils must stop this, and, let us hope, will furnish the laborer and farmer with the means not only of cultivation where now desolation reigns, but will provide the means for more attractive life on the soil, higher wages, and that steadiness of work that will stem the exodus to the towns, to the physical detriment of the nation, and to the addition to London's burdens and poverty which now goes on. In the foregoing I have ventured as a municipal councillor to putforth suggestions that by their adoption will relieve distress arising from want of work. My practical experience convinces me that they can be adopted almost at once:. Certainly some attempt for their introduction must be undertaken. The reason why I have confined myself to the practically possible is because I have no faith in the fiscal, charitable, or economic nostrums that are hourly preached for the redemption of mankind. Of these, labor colonies are the least scientific. A labor colony presupposes male labor. What have the unemployed working women done to be thus ignored? rt also means manual unskilled labor being mainly employed. From whence to be drawn? Not from the skilled trades that in the main are engaged on foreign work and most liable to fluctuation and depression, but from the laborers in the building trades, gasworks, agricultural labor, and other in- ternal occupations of the manual labor class. The labor colony has I no room for the spinner, weaver, lace-maker, jeweller, engineer, and others, the bulk of whose work goes abroad. It is intended rather for the relief of men whom I would rather see repairing roads, cleansing streets, reclaiming foreshores, purifying rivers and canals, pulling down unsanitary areas and rebuilding, emptying dustbins, general sanitary work, and other useful and reproductive employ- ment on which they could use their labor to greater advantage to themselves and the community than on farm work, that is, suppos- ing they would stay, which in ninety cases out of a hundred theywould not. This is proved by the experience of all labor colonies, which shows that they can only be conducted by earnest, intelligent, unselfish men, enthused by the highest spiritual or social ideals, or by the most absolute discipline, on a prison labor oasis, to which yourout-of-work, who would leave his home and the town, would not voluntarily submit, and which, for different reasons, the honest un- employed w-u~~ ::wt tolerate. The fact is, labor colony advocates 17 a.ssume the absence of home ties, associations and the strong and laudable desire in genuine unemployed men to be so situated in their temporary work in depressed times as would permit of them seizing the first opportunity to leave and return to their properindustries, conditions impossible in labor colonies. Men destitute of these qualities lack the essentials for continuous work, and generallywould be a source of demoralisation. The labor colony, as a remedy for the unemployed, is, I maintain, foredoomed to failure, and is nothing but the revival in another form of the hated casual ward with all its physical and moral iniquities. If municipalisation of agriculture is intended, that is something I can understand, but that for years is not likely to prove a remedy for the workless. Rather will it come after easier thingshave been undertaken and accomplished-the abolition of overwork~ the reduction of the hours of labor, and the reorganisation of labor in every trade, that is now going on-too slowly, I admit-in the right direction by trade union, municipal and parliamentary action. And should the municipalisation of agriculture be undertaken on Socialist lines, its initial stage must be conducted not by the unskilled unemployed plus an in-and-out army of loafers, casuals, and wastrels, but by the best of labor attracted by those better conditions which would accompany such an undertaking started by people with brains along the lines followed by the L.C.C. in doing its own work. A pious wish to get the townsman into the country will not help us. The fact is, sentiment and personal repugnance to country labor i& often the cause of rural depopulation, assisted, of course, by increased use of machinery, cheaper foreign food stuffs, and other causes. The argument that the produce of labor colonies should be used and consumed inside, and should not be sold to people outside, is absurd, and presupposes that the colony is sufficiently large to include the numerous trades that are required to supply the wants of a working- class population, and that the organisation should be such as could only be arrived at after years of experiment. It therefore fails to touch the problem of providing employment at once for those who are without. The labor colony products must be sold and exchanged outside if the colony is to succeed. If this is done, what will be the effect on the displacement of agricultural labor is shown by Mr. W. E. Bear, an agricultural authority, who says: Around Nottingham, where there is an excellent market for vegetables and fruit, small and large market gardens are numerous. The evidence of those engaged in the industry many of whom I visited in their homes or in the market, was generally depressing. The} said that the market had become glutted in recent years, so that prices had become barely remunerative, and that rail rates were so high that the bulky produce of their gardenscould not profitably be sent to distant markets. One reason of the depression given was that thousands of the working men of Nottingham had acquired allotment~, on which they not only grew all the vegetables they required, and so ceased to be customers to the market gardeneFs, but also frequently had a surplus to sell, thus becoming competitors. Th~s being so, the establishment of labor colonies outside every town would only accentuate the unemployed difficulty, and lead to the permanent degradation of agriculture and its labor. Agricultural laborers now at work will be displaced by the labor of the colonists. unless protection is adopted with its greater train of farm colonies, municipal workshops, and other social will-o'-the-wisps will fail, as they have always done. Man is even in social and politicalreform a gregarious animal, and loathes separation or isolation from his fellows, even for his own improvement. Into the mass of the industrial army the ragged regiments of the unemployed must be absorbed. Over trade, commerce, agriculture, and labor the cost, not of finding merely work for the workless, but rather of reducingthe hours of all that are overworked, should be spread. It needs no change, is the simplest way, avoids friction, displacement and migra- tion. In this way every consumer at home and abroad in the price of the product he buys will, through the added cost of shorter hours, pay equally with the manufacturer and producer for the maintenance of people that without these shorter hours would be unemployed, and the cost of which would be borne by the producers alone. Ab- sorption of the unemployed by general reduction of hours, this followed by municipalisation of industry and nationalisation of monopolies, is the line of least resistance for all. It is regulation or riot, reduction or revolution. Whatever is undertaken must be boldly and promptly done by those concerned. But to even attemptthe solution of this question, it requires the greatest political fore- sight and courage for all political parties who till now have alwaysshirked the permanent solution of the unemployed question. In the next Parliament and for years to come it will be the chief questionfor discussion. The world moves on its belly; and politicians will find that the people have longer memories than formerly, especially 'vhen the possessors of the empty bellies have votes. We are pdssing through a transition period. Lazsser faz're has been abandoned, and for the first time in the history of the human race the working people possess universally the power throughelective institutions to embody in law their economic and material desires. Concurrently with the growth of personal independence is the desire for State aid and municipal effort when individual action is futile. The unemployed movement embodies the growing desire for useful healthy lives. It is the protest of Labor against charitable palliation of a social system that in all countries is breaking up, and must either by force or steady change, such as I have indicated, give place to the organised and collective domination by the peopleof their social life through municipal administration and politicaldevelo2ment. farm colonies, municipal workshops, and other social will-o'-the-wisps will fail, as they have always done. Man is even in social and politicalreform a gregarious animal, and loathes separation or isolation from his fellows, even for his own improvement. Into the mass of the industrial army the ragged regiments of the unemployed must be absorbed. Over trade, commerce, agriculture, and labor the cost, not of finding merely work for the workless, but rather of reducingthe hours of all that are overworked, should be spread. It needs no change, is the simplest way, avoids friction, displacement and migra- tion. In this way every consumer at home and abroad in the price of the product he buys will, through the added cost of shorter hours, pay equally with the manufacturer and producer for the maintenance of people that without these shorter hours would be unemployed, and the cost of which would be borne by the producers alone. Ab- sorption of the unemployed by general reduction of hours, this followed by municipalisation of industry and nationalisation of monopolies, is the line of least resistance for all. It is regulation or riot, reduction or revolution. Whatever is undertaken must be boldly and promptly done by those concerned. But to even attemptthe solution of this question, it requires the greatest political fore- sight and courage for all political parties who till now have alwaysshirked the permanent solution of the unemployed question. In the next Parliament and for years to come it will be the chief questionfor discussion. The world moves on its belly; and politicians will find that the people have longer memories than formerly, especially 'vhen the possessors of the empty bellies have votes. We are pdssing through a transition period. Lazsser faz're has been abandoned, and for the first time in the history of the human race the working people possess universally the power throughelective institutions to embody in law their economic and material desires. Concurrently with the growth of personal independence is the desire for State aid and municipal effort when individual action is futile. The unemployed movement embodies the growing desire for useful healthy lives. It is the protest of Labor against charitable palliation of a social system that in all countries is breaking up, and must either by force or steady change, such as I have indicated, give place to the organised and collective domination by the peopleof their social life through municipal administration and politicaldevelo2ment. 18 evils ; just as Salvation Army brickmakers are displacing honest brickmakers at the present moment, and prison, pauper, reformatoryand industrial school labor is displacing and destroying several trades. Besides this objection, the cost of labor colonies must come from some source. The only one available is the consumer and producer. Is it not better that the cost of keeping the unemployed should be borne, not by spending money in creating superfluous farms and municipal workshops, but by slightly adding to the cost of production if necessary in all trades by absorbing the unemployed through the reduction of hours of all and the employment at all trades of their now surplus workers? Any attempt at labor colonies, unemployed settlements, elevators, ADVERT!SEME T.J THE PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH ARISTOCRACY. By GEo. STANDRING. 174 pages, crown 8vo. Price One Shilling. SoME PRESS OPINIONS. The vVeek{y Dispatch, in the course of a long and favorable review, said : " The writer is strenuous in his denunciation of the aristocracy. . . . If the general view he presents be within a measurable distance of correctness, then the fetish must be an exceedingly ugly and stupid monstrosity. . . . The sketch of the Courts of the Georges is positively sickening. . . . . . Mr. Standring writes with the fervor of strong conviction ." /1/ational Reformer : " Mr. Standring has spent considerable time and shown much industry in his researches. We trust that his useful work will be appreciated by, and widely circulated amongst, Radicals." Secular Revzew: ":vir. Standring is not unknown as an inveterate Democrat, and . . . he throws the cruellest light of adverse criticism on the wearers of crowns and coronets. His treatment of his royal and aristocratic subjects is ruthless, pitiless ; but it cannot justly be complained that it is rancorous or declamatory. Considering the sensational nature of his subject, Mr. Standring writes with composure and restraint; and, although not prudish and fastidious, he draws the line at decency." THE LEGAL EIGHT HOURS QUESTION: Verbatim Report (corrected by both disputants) of Two Nights'Public Debate between GEo. BERNARD SHAW and G. W. FooTE. Undoubtedly this is by far the best statement of the arguments on both sides of the question. 76 pages, post free, 6d. POPULATION AND SOCIAL REFORM Being a Few Plain Words on a Suppressed Subject. By HARRY RoBERTS (Fabian). 24 pages, post free 2d. THE CAUSE OF POVERTY. A Paper read at the National Liberal Club, by Dr. C. R. DRYSDALE, President of the Malthusian League. r6 pages, post free 2d. Address : GEo. STANDHING, 7 & 9 Finsbury-street, London, E.C. (Trade : R. FoRnER, z8 Stonecutter-street.) F F /\Bl/\N SOCIETY. 'T'ho Fn.hin.n Ro ioty oonRi~tR of Rooin.liRLR. A Rtn.to. trlont of iLH ltnloH, Htl Lito propnHo.l. 4 pp., (\for Id.; ot· 1/-p 1' 100. 23. Th Cnse for n hight Hours Bill. !() pp., 1cl.; or !Jd. pot· doz. ~~~. Que. tions f r Parli m nt ry Candidates. !i fot· l cl.; or 1/-p ,. 100. 25. Qu s ti ons f r School Bo, rd Candidates. 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