fabian tract 435 new deal for the elderly chapter 1 introduction 1 2 the social services 3 3 housing and the elderly 11 4 the NHS and the elderly 15 5 summary and conclusions 25 this pamphlet, like all publications of the Fabian Society, represents not the collective view of the Society but only the views of the individual who prepared it. The responsibility of the Society is limited to approving publications it issues as worthy of consideration within the Labour movement. Fabian Society, 11 Dartmouth Street, London SW1 H 9BN. July 1975 ISBN 7163 0435 X 1. introduction There has been some public concern with the sca:le of public spending on the elderly but n1uch less with its pattern. Now at last the Government is showing some will to make fresh decisions and to shift spending away from institutional care. In the most recent circular on local authority capital programmes, the Government imp'lied that it was unlikely to give loan sanctions for old peopleshomes in areas which a'lready had more than 20 places per 1 ,000 elderly (Department of Health and Social Security, LASSL (74) 22). The main theme of this pamphlet is that the shift away from spending on institutional care should go much further. Past government policy can be criticized for the extreme slowness with which the governments have acted. But the most important criticism is that we have put aH our eggs into very few baskets. Certain lines of spending such as the building of old people's homes have seen a good dea'l of effort. Others-such as the ·building of sheltered housing- have been encountered by apathy. Government after Government and local authority a:fter local authority have ignored the striking evidence about the current housing situation of the elderly. Old age can often be a period of emotional strain through. bereavement and the· loss of friends, and also of physical ill health. Yet we are expecting peop1le who are having difficulty in coping, to live in con ditions which would tax the fittest. We , make an old lady with arthritis live in a house which is damp and has no heating and no internal we. Then we are sur prised when she becomes depressed and neglects herself. The aim must surely be to get a balance of care which bears some relation to the evidence on what the problemreaUy are. But we have instead the planning of services almost completelyin isolation from each other, most notably as between old people's homes and sheltered housing. The argument has been too much about absolutes and too If ( /,.r'J little about priorities at a particular pointin time. Thus there can be many views about the merits of old peoples homes as against sheltered housing, but such arguments are not really very helpful. The most important point at the moment is that we have not even built enoughsheltered housing for people who would very clearly be able to live in it-for the most promising candidates. This pamphlet starts from the conviction that the mood of gloom about the elderly has been grossly exaggerated. The real subject for gloom is how little thought we have given to the ways of giving help. To natural problems of ill health and waning a'lertness have been added problems of poverty, poor housingand inappropriate services which have been largely man made. Of course there is a good deal of depression and loneliness among the elderly-a·lthough one survey showed that pensioners were much less depressed and lonely than young people imagined them to be (NewSociety, 24 January 1974). Of course there are many frail old peop'le livingalone and only just managing to cope. Of course there have been unfavourable changes in society which have made it more difficult for younger re•latives to give support. Thus people have tended to move out of the centres of cities to suburbs, leaving their elderly relatives behind in poor housing. But most peop'le who work with the elderly from day to day agree that the great majority of families do care about their elderlyrelatives and in fact make great efforts to help them. Natural feelings and loya'lties have not !been destroyed by the welfare state. But government action has done far too little to mitigate those unfavourable changes in society which cannot be avoided. Too often in the past government action has inadvertentlystrengthened the effects of damagingchanges that were already strong. In a general way government has encouraged a belief in institutions because so much of government spending goes towards institutional care in spite of commenda:ble expansion in some community services. This pamphlet grew out of visits made in many parts of the country to geriatric departments, social service departments, sheltered housing developn1ents, day centres and luncheon clubs as weU as out of experience as a counciHor in a London borough with many old people living alone in poor housing conditions. The author was impressed by the strength of critical opinion to be found in manyplaces about our policies for the elderly. There is no doubt there is a widespread and deep discontent about traditional policies and approaches. But 'little of this has affected the ways in which the money has been spent. Many years have already been lost; let us not lose more time. It is vital that policy should reflect the best thinking in local authorities and the conclusions of research. The evidence is that far too often in the past it has not done this. The real tragedy of old age in this country is our unwillingness to jumpbureaucratic barriers and to make an effort of imagination in order to help the elderly to maintain their independence. The argument has to be conducted against a background of fiscal stringency. I have assumed that there would be at best limited amounts of extra moneyforthcoming and these only for well defined purposes. At worst the strategy could be adapted to a " nil growth " situation. There are great numbers of competing claims and litt•le prospect of a fiscal miracle; hence we really must spend those limited amounts which we have got sensrb'ly. At a time of stringency in public spending, it becomes vital to distinguish those changes which do most to help the disabled and hand'kapped elderly, from changes which help mainly the more active elderly. Some of the policies that have attracted most public attention recently, such as the short lived relative rise in the pension (1974), subsidized travel and the re'laxation of the earnings rule have ·been of most help to the active elderly. They do rather little for the very old or the chronically ill. In a time of stringency in public spending there n1ay have to be choice between further such changes and inve tment in improved housing, rehabilitation and communityservices which really do help the more disabled. Such a decision has to be made against a background of a growing social and economic division within the retired population. Alongside the process of physical ageing there is a process of social ageing which goes further as people get older. It is the over 70spredominantly women-who face the worst problems of isolation, of poorhousing and of poor health. It is the younger retired who are married and have occupational pensions and their own homes. There is a definite cycle of socia1 ageing. As people get further away from retirement their income drops in real terms; the stock of possessions left over from their working life wears out; their contacts becom·e fewer. As health worsens so the need for extra income for heating and other needs increases. Support costs rise just as income falls. The need for support with domestic tasks and for companionship also grows. The ' " social " elderly are a substantial minority within the retired population, who need more help. For the immediate future the priorityhas to be not that of more he'lp to the active elderly, but that of improvements in sheltered housing, in the services for rehabilitation and in community services. We have to concentrate much more on the more vulnerable among the elderly. We now turn to sketch out what these priorities might be in the social services, housing and health. The a'im is to identify a sma11 number of changes which could make a real difference and on which we could concentrate. The Government is introducing a new pension scheme which will radicallychange the economic position of the elderly in the long term. This is the first part of any new deal, but other measures are needed in housing, health and social services. The Government has made a start-wiJI it now follow it through ? 2. the social services L egislation, the legacy of the workhouse and the policy of the Department of ealth and Social Security (DHSS) have .all helped to concentrate attention on the old people's home. The oldest and perhaps the key piece of legis1ation still is the National Assistance Act of 1948. Part three of this Act enables a local authority to provide "residential accom- modation for persons who by reason of age, infirmity or any other circumstances are in need of care and attention which is not otherwise availab'le to them." Later legislation began to shift the balance towards the community services. The Health Services and Public Health Act 1968 ena'bled the 'local authority to make arrangements for promoting the welfare of the eldedy and also for giving assist- ance to voluntary organizations. The 1970 Ohronicai'ly Sick and n ·isabled Persons Act encourages local authorities to pro- vide a rather wider range of services for the disab'led including the elderly dis- abled. But in practi'ce most of these are permissive powers. The main duty is to provide residentia1l accommodation. . The language of the 1948 Act now has a curiously old fashioned ring and is strikingly lacking in the kind of advanced thinking which characterized the children's legislation of that period. The who·le notion of " infirmity " has been somewhat overtaken by the development of geriatrics and rehabilitation-and also by the development of sheltered housing. Yet it is against this background of legislation that local authorities have been making decisions for more than a generation. The concentration on the old peopleshome between 1948 and 1960 did repre- sent a practical solution to a pressingproblem-how to improve the lot of people living in the old workhouses. Even now there are perhaps 10,000 places still used in old workhouses in England and · Wales, with rather more in Scotland. The old workhouses were large institutions- sometimes for hundreds of peop'le. Manyof them had come to be in a poor state of hea:lth. Conditions in the new homes are obviously a great improvement on the former workhouses. But the form was set in relation to the inheritance of the past rather than possibilities af the future. The homes have come to loom largerand larger-as things that are good in themselves rather than as practica'l solu- tions to a pressing difficulty. Societyhaving so defined the choices open to an elderly person has taken this as evidence that he is capable of no more. The pattern of institutions has tended to create a certain pattern of expectationsand a certain view of the possibilities. A change in the pattern of service-such as the building of rea:l1y substantial amounts of sheltered housing-would tend to change peoples view of what the elderly themselves could achieve. The main direction of DHSs impact on local authorities, month by month, reinforces the effect of legistlation and of the legacy from the workhouse. Every- thing centres round "loan sanctions " for capital projects, mainlly for homes for the elderly. In the past 'th'is had some veryimportant effects on local authoritybehaviour and thinking. It has tended to mean that numbers of starts and com- pletions have been taken as the major measure of success in services. "Under our administration we built x number of old peoples homes " has been the major indicator of success. It has led to a divorce in peoples minds between capital projects and their revenue con- sequences. The idea of a 11oan sanction seems an attractive one-almost costless except for the interest payments. Yet once completed the revenue effects are important, until an energetic local authority can become the victim of its own success-it can find that it has so much residential accommodation with such heavy runruing costs, that it has nothing to spare for quite small expan- sions of the community services that might actually prevent peoP'le cominginto residential care. Apart from its power to grant or with- hold loan sanctions, the DHss's other main point of impact OJl the mind of local government is through the " norm " for places per thousand population. The norm is currently 25 places per thousand population. This norm is not based on 2. the social services L egislation, the legacy of the workhouse and the policy of the Department of ealth and Social Security (DHSS) have .all helped to concentrate attention on the old people's home. The oldest and perhaps the key piece of legis1ation still is the National Assistance Act of 1948. Part three of this Act enables a local authority to provide "residential accom- modation for persons who by reason of age, infirmity or any other circumstances are in need of care and attention which is not otherwise availab'le to them." Later legislation began to shift the balance towards the community services. The Health Services and Public Health Act 1968 ena'bled the 'local authority to make arrangements for promoting the welfare of the eldedy and also for giving assist- ance to voluntary organizations. The 1970 Ohronicai'ly Sick and n ·isabled Persons Act encourages local authorities to pro- vide a rather wider range of services for the disab'led including the elderly dis- abled. But in practi'ce most of these are permissive powers. The main duty is to provide residentia1l accommodation. . The language of the 1948 Act now has a curiously old fashioned ring and is strikingly lacking in the kind of advanced thinking which characterized the children's legislation of that period. The who·le notion of " infirmity " has been somewhat overtaken by the development of geriatrics and rehabilitation-and also by the development of sheltered housing. Yet it is against this background of legislation that local authorities have been making decisions for more than a generation. The concentration on the old peopleshome between 1948 and 1960 did repre- sent a practical solution to a pressingproblem-how to improve the lot of people living in the old workhouses. Even now there are perhaps 10,000 places still used in old workhouses in England and · Wales, with rather more in Scotland. The old workhouses were large institutions- sometimes for hundreds of peop'le. Manyof them had come to be in a poor state of hea:lth. Conditions in the new homes are obviously a great improvement on the former workhouses. But the form was set in relation to the inheritance of the past rather than possibilities af the future. The homes have come to loom largerand larger-as things that are good in themselves rather than as practica'l solu- tions to a pressing difficulty. Societyhaving so defined the choices open to an elderly person has taken this as evidence that he is capable of no more. The pattern of institutions has tended to create a certain pattern of expectationsand a certain view of the possibilities. A change in the pattern of service-such as the building of rea:l1y substantial amounts of sheltered housing-would tend to change peoples view of what the elderly themselves could achieve. The main direction of DHSs impact on local authorities, month by month, reinforces the effect of legistlation and of the legacy from the workhouse. Every- thing centres round "loan sanctions " for capital projects, mainlly for homes for the elderly. In the past 'th'is had some veryimportant effects on local authoritybehaviour and thinking. It has tended to mean that numbers of starts and com- pletions have been taken as the major measure of success in services. "Under our administration we built x number of old peoples homes " has been the major indicator of success. It has led to a divorce in peoples minds between capital projects and their revenue con- sequences. The idea of a 11oan sanction seems an attractive one-almost costless except for the interest payments. Yet once completed the revenue effects are important, until an energetic local authority can become the victim of its own success-it can find that it has so much residential accommodation with such heavy runruing costs, that it has nothing to spare for quite small expan- sions of the community services that might actually prevent peoP'le cominginto residential care. Apart from its power to grant or with- hold loan sanctions, the DHss's other main point of impact OJl the mind of local government is through the " norm " for places per thousand population. The norm is currently 25 places per thousand population. This norm is not based on 4 careful research or scientific study. It is simply an arbitrary number set a little ahead of the current average number of places in local authorities. But by some local authorities this is taken almost as hdly writ. The new Hampshire Social Services department inherited ten yearplans from the three old authorities of Portsmouth, Hampshire and Southamp- ton. All three ten year plans had laid great stress on the DHSS norm-in fact Portsmouth had even decided to increase it: that plan had " adopted a ratio of 28 : 1,000 places as compared to DHSS critical figure of 25 per 1 ,000 places " (Hampshire Social Services 10 Year Development Plans, appendix 3). Of the three authorities, Portsmouth and Southampton were already quitewell stocked with homes, afthough this did not stop them from planning to build a few more. Hampshire, on the other hand, had one of the lowest levels in the country, with a!bout 12 places per1,000 elderly in 1974. The old Hampshire authority had suggested a rea:lly large building programme. T-he new social services department inherited p'lans to build more than a thousand places in homes. Much of this may in fact have been delayed by the cuts in publicspending, but the reasoning process in the original Ten Yea·r Plan remains signlificant. Hampshire's commitment did not arise from any independent study of the needs of the elderly in that county; it was simply a reaction to the DHSS norm, such reflexes appearing to be common. "The norm" involves a perfect circle. It is in fact simply an average of local authorities' own record. But loca'l authorities take it as a " critical figure ", which is presuma!bly based on intensive study. There are shocked, hushed tones in com·mittee meetings when social service committee members discover that their authority is "below" the number. One rfina'l irony is that the DHSS tends to revise the number every so often as the number of places increases. Thus the number used to 'be 20; since the average number rose above 20 it has been revised upwards. There are some other norms for other services but these are · set in a similar ad hoc way, and anyauthority which managed to get itseif positioned on all these norms would not therefore have a perfectly balanced serv1ce. Thus the system has worked so that there · have been two vital questions for each authority: how many " loan sanctions it is going to get " and where its num'bers of residentia!l places stand in relation to the DHSS norm. There have been some bold authorities that have broken away. Liverpool, in spite of being rather below the DHSS norm (with 18 places perthousand elderly) has decided once a very small number of current projects have been completed not to build any more old people's homes but to build onlysheltered housing instead (LiverpoolSocial Services, 10 Year DevelopmentPlan, 1974-84). It has taken this decision : in spite of having far worse problems of housing and isolation among the elderly than most county authorities. But few authorities have done as much as this. Most have stuck within the perfect circle of norm setting and norm hunting. Few authorities have looked at the adequacy of assessment. Many years ago, Peter Townsend condemned the inade- quacy of interviews lasting sometimes only 15 minutes on which people could be uprooted from their homes and sent off to institutions till they died. How much has really changed in the quality o initial assessment ? With their eyes fixed on the distant and ever moving grail of the norm, local authorities have not looked at the experi- ence of old people as they go into the homes and once they get there. There is little wrong with the materia'l con- ditions-food and comforts are reason- ably well provided. But there is much else to be criticized. The process in which people get admitted to the homes is often rather haphazard still. There may be one or two visits from a social worker and then people are put on the waiting list Even within one London Borough there are extraordinary differences in the propensity of social workers in different 4 careful research or scientific study. It is simply an arbitrary number set a little ahead of the current average number of places in local authorities. But by some local authorities this is taken almost as hdly writ. The new Hampshire Social Services department inherited ten yearplans from the three old authorities of Portsmouth, Hampshire and Southamp- ton. All three ten year plans had laid great stress on the DHSS norm-in fact Portsmouth had even decided to increase it: that plan had " adopted a ratio of 28 : 1,000 places as compared to DHSS critical figure of 25 per 1 ,000 places " (Hampshire Social Services 10 Year Development Plans, appendix 3). Of the three authorities, Portsmouth and Southampton were already quitewell stocked with homes, afthough this did not stop them from planning to build a few more. Hampshire, on the other hand, had one of the lowest levels in the country, with a!bout 12 places per1,000 elderly in 1974. The old Hampshire authority had suggested a rea:lly large building programme. T-he new social services department inherited p'lans to build more than a thousand places in homes. Much of this may in fact have been delayed by the cuts in publicspending, but the reasoning process in the original Ten Yea·r Plan remains signlificant. Hampshire's commitment did not arise from any independent study of the needs of the elderly in that county; it was simply a reaction to the DHSS norm, such reflexes appearing to be common. "The norm" involves a perfect circle. It is in fact simply an average of local authorities' own record. But loca'l authorities take it as a " critical figure ", which is presuma!bly based on intensive study. There are shocked, hushed tones in com·mittee meetings when social service committee members discover that their authority is "below" the number. One rfina'l irony is that the DHSS tends to revise the number every so often as the number of places increases. Thus the number used to 'be 20; since the average number rose above 20 it has been revised upwards. There are some other norms for other services but these are · set in a similar ad hoc way, and anyauthority which managed to get itseif positioned on all these norms would not therefore have a perfectly balanced serv1ce. Thus the system has worked so that there · have been two vital questions for each authority: how many " loan sanctions it is going to get " and where its num'bers of residentia!l places stand in relation to the DHSS norm. There have been some bold authorities that have broken away. Liverpool, in spite of being rather below the DHSS norm (with 18 places perthousand elderly) has decided once a very small number of current projects have been completed not to build any more old people's homes but to build onlysheltered housing instead (LiverpoolSocial Services, 10 Year DevelopmentPlan, 1974-84). It has taken this decision : in spite of having far worse problems of housing and isolation among the elderly than most county authorities. But few authorities have done as much as this. Most have stuck within the perfect circle of norm setting and norm hunting. Few authorities have looked at the adequacy of assessment. Many years ago, Peter Townsend condemned the inade- quacy of interviews lasting sometimes only 15 minutes on which people could be uprooted from their homes and sent off to institutions till they died. How much has really changed in the quality o initial assessment ? With their eyes fixed on the distant and ever moving grail of the norm, local authorities have not looked at the experi- ence of old people as they go into the homes and once they get there. There is little wrong with the materia'l con- ditions-food and comforts are reason- ably well provided. But there is much else to be criticized. The process in which people get admitted to the homes is often rather haphazard still. There may be one or two visits from a social worker and then people are put on the waiting list Even within one London Borough there are extraordinary differences in the propensity of social workers in different ' 1 ' 1 social service areas to put people on the waiting list. The decision is a:lso coloured by the sympathy for and knowledge of the social work profession for the elderly, which is highly varialJle. People can then be sent to a home without having had a chance of a preliminaryvisit. But then after this rather cursory attempt to help, people are stripped of an their belongings, including their furniture, and there is very lit~le chance of their ever getting back into the community, o'f active rehabilitation or even of going out to a luncheon dub. It is in any case a strange and old fashioned idea that people should go " into " a home and there stay without any chance of there ever coming out again. Once in the home the experience is one of boredom and dependence, sitting around the walls waiting for meals. There are tfew peoplewho would wish the experience of goinginto a home onto their own friends or relatives. Nor are the homes very good at coping with either physical ill hea!lth or mental confusion. Staff are dedicated enough but for the most part they are simply not trained, and they are working with overlarge numbers. To the evidence of impression, there is the evidence of academic research-not least the work of Peter Townsend in The Last Refuge-work which has proved againthat admission to a home leads not only to boredom but even to i'llness and death. One of the darker and least documented aspects of life ;in the homes is the frequency of quite serious epidemics. Certainly some of the worst features of the home can be improved by redesigning them so that people have much more chance of an independentlife. But such redesigned homes reailymerge gradually into sheltered housing. One pa;rticularly striking example of the bias towards institutions has been in the care of the mentally infirm elderly. The 1959 Mental Health Act encouraged local authorities to do more. The majority in fact did very little. But the first reaction in most others was to start specia11 homes. Very few started special day centres and social clubs. A survey showed in 1968 that only one in eight of local authorities had started any form of day care for the mentaHy infirm elderly, whHe one quarter of them had started specialwelfare homes (M. Meacher, Taken For a Ride, Longman, 1972). There have been many doubts about these homes for other reasons. They tend to be more remote from the communities which they •serve and it is often treated as a disgrace and a disa ter by relatives and their friends to be sent there. It has been argued that confusion i as much created by segregation and by beingdeprived of a:ll power over their own lives, as it is a definable clinical state. But these are separate issues. The pointhere is the reaction of local authorities and for that matter of central government -which was towards building yet more institutions. In this case there was a similar concentration of institutional care within the NHS and a 'lack of active assessment. the community services ~bout the role of the old person's home there has been considerable disagreement. There has been much less about the role of the community services. Both central and local governments have been in favour of a rapid expansion in these services. Now government's support for the objective of community care and for an expansion of the community social services can be applauded-but has it really been effective in practice ? In spite of the general supp·ort received from all quarters, the record of expansion in the home help service-perhaps the most important of the community social services-has been rather smaller than is often imagined. Between 1959 and 1973 the number of home helps (in whole time equivalents) rose from a!bout 20,000 in England to about 33,000. It is fair to assume that most of the time of home helps was taken up with the elderly. The rise is substantial but hardiy specta·cular · and prospects for expansion in the immedia:te future do not seem bright. The "need" for the home help service is rather less a matter of opinion than residential care. It has been shown that there are many people living alone without anyone to do the household chores and who are getting little help from the home help service. Thus Amelia Harris showed that in Great Britain there are 2,000 very severely handicapped and 90,000 handicapped living alone and having no welfare services (A. Harris, Handicapped and Impaired in Great Britain, volume 1, HMSO, 1971). She shows that 7 per cent of the impaired have a home help, the proportion being16 per cent for the very severely handicapped and 11 per cent for those appreciably handicapped. Other studies have shown that only a smaH minority of those demonstrably in need get home helps. Rapid growth in the home help service would certainly pose increasing problems of supervision-of using people's time effectively. But it would also give opportunities to use the home help service in imaginative ways so that this kind of care could genuinely help to keep people in the community who might not otherwise have been ab'le to continue living at home. For example, Liverpool is planning a special home care programme for elderly people at risk who are aJbout to leave hospital. About one in five elderly people immediately after discharge from hospital wil11 get a home help and meals on wheels for a four week periodafterwards. The most serious trouble has not, however, been with the overall expansion of the home help service-but with its distribution. In some generous authorities 10 to 15 per cent a£ the elderly are getting the home help service in a year. Elsewhere-particularly in the counties and seaside towns-5 per cent or less (CIPA, Local Health and Social Services Statistics, 1972-3). There is three times the chance that an old person in the Borough of Greenwich will get some home help, than an old person in Kent (CIPFA Statistics). In some places no reasonable request is turned away; jnothers it is very hard to get a home help for any length of time at all. Again and again the suggestion has been made that m1mmum standards should be set- nothing has been done. The second important communityservice is the meals service. This can be of two kinds: mea'ls on wheels in the home or meals served at luncheon clubs. Overall the number of meals has been expanding very rapidly. The main problem here is again one of distribution. Within the London area there were, on the most recently available figures- those for 1972-3-sixfold differences between authorities in the nun1bers of meals served. Kingston on Thames and Brent serve about 3,500 mea!ls perthousand population; Southwark and Tower Hamlets about 20,000 (ciPFA Statistics). E~sewhere Manchester serves about 14,000 meals a year per thousand population and Halifax 2,000 (ibid). There have been many doubts and queries raised about the value of meals on wheels. Research has shed some doubt both on their nutritional value and their palatability. Certainly this is not a service which could or should be expanded indefinitely; nor is it always a good idea for every client to have the service five days a week. One study in Portsmouth has suggested that peop'le may even prefer to have the meals only two or three times a week (L. Davies et al, "Meals on Wheels Deliveries," Modern Geriatrics, November 1974). One well off authority -Greenwich reckons that it is " close to satisfying the total need for meals " (l)omiciliaryServices for the Elderly in Greenwich, Key Issue Report Programme, Planning Staffs). This recent enquiry carried out by the programme planning staff suggested that after 1975-6 there should be no further expansion of the meals on wheels service. Here there m~ay well be a question a£ maximum levels, but it is clear that many authorities are waybelow these levels. Many authorities are coming to put more emphasis on luncheon clubs, which provide company as we11 as food. There is a great danger of this relatively small scale effort being somewhat neglected, at a time of stringency in public spending. Here again there is a need for minimum levels of provision. So far we have been discussing services which are well known and of which the pattern of service is relatively well defined. There is also some level of service in all parts of the country. We turn now to other services-good neighbour schemes and day care which are not so widely established. One effect of concentration on largescale capital projects has been that such a relatively small idea as a good neighbour scheme has been somewhat neglected. But these schemes can draw on the good-will which is there in the community. By this service, peopie are paid a smaH amount to take an interest in a particular elderly person or group of people. This system has been widely used in Manchester and in the London Boroughof Camden. It is not a commitment to look after, to give nursing care and to act as a cut price home help. It is a commitment to keep in touch and to spend some time with. It is a commitment to take shopping every so often, to visit and to chat and to share a cup of tea. It is a commitment to be a friend and someone who is on ca'll in an emergency. It is just an extension of what happens anyway-so much help is given on a completely unpaid basis byneighbours. It should be most usefu1 for people who have no neighbours and on their own. It a!lso gets around a most undesirable feature of the services at present; it is possible for an old person in difficulties to be the target of the attentions of so many statutory services, and yet for them all to be a vague blur of half-recognized faces. Under a Good Neighbour scheme at least the goodneighbour gets to know a particular old person. Liverpool have had a good neighbour s·cheme for some time. As of March 1974, if had covered three areas of the city with about 150 helpers who are looking after about 700-800 old peo'(Yle. The organizers recruit fit elderly or retired people to the service. This idea grew up originaily because they were never going to be able to expand the home help service enough to cover all the need. The good neighbours al_"e paidabout £3.50 a week plus SOp expenses to do this. It is run by Age Concern. It needed care in selecting clients and in selecting good neighbours. Not a!ll the clients who were first seen proved to be in need of help. It has also allowed the ordinary home help service to concentrate more on people in great need. They are planning to cover the whole city. The social services then expect to have something like 5,500 old peoplecovered by this service. (I am grateful to Dr B. Meredith Davies, Director of Social Services, Liverpool, for this information.) A report for three Liverpool postal areas showed how the service developed in a particular area. The initial publicity for the scheme came through churches, and the referrals through pensioners luncheon clubs, through social workers and also from hospitaJs for people who were about to be discharged. The report writes of the scheme: " It is noticeable that a bond quickly develops between a Good Neighbour and client. The success of the scheme is dependent ·on the qualities of the Good Neighbours who must have a real concern for the people in their care. This is frequently shown in the range of help which they give. Lighting fires on Saturday and Sunday m·ornings when home helps are not available, sewing for the man who lives alone, providing a Sunday dinner when Meals on Wheels are not avai•lalJle, visiting in the late evening and settling the old person f.or the night, are some orf the examples of the work they do beyond their general duties " (Liverpool Report on Good Neighbour Scheme, Age Concern, January 1974). Other schemes have a somewhat different emphasis. A scheme in Kirkcaldy aims that a street warden should be in touch with every single elderly person in the borough. In practice each warden is looking after about 23 old people. Obviously here the degree of personal relationship must be fairly limited and the ma1n purpose of the scheme seems to be to make sure that people have somewhere to go in emergency ( J. W. Knox, " Street Warden Scheme," Health and Social Service Journal, 21 July 1973). It is supplemented by a home visiting scheme. At present we are spending about £3 million a year in capital expenditure on day centres, but there are manyauthorities which have none at all. The day centres seem to be serving two rather different purposes: the need for recreation, warmth and companionshipand the need for more active ·care and rehabilitation. A study of a day centre in Buckinghamshire (Des borough Hall, Buckinghamshire County Council Social Service Department, June 1974) has shown that of peop!le who come to the day centre on their own initiative, m·ost are younger and fitter than those who are referred by social workers. As a result df transport diffi:culties day centres are not likely to be accessible to the frail as much as would be desircrble. Nor does the centre offer much potential for rehabilitation. To build day centres on the presentmodel so that they would be accessi:ble to most old peo.P'].e would take a massive amount of public spending-which is hardly likely to materialise at present. Because of transport difficulties even if many more centres were built they might not be fully used. A survey for AgeConcern showed that only a small number